Human Bear Dispute Essay

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Romania: The Human-Bear conflict

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Child labour exists in countries that have ratified the Convention on the Rights of the Child: Uzbekistan, Tanzania and India, for example. Powerful western countries, including the US, do business with grave human rights abusers. In a very rough sense, the world is a freer place than it was 50 years ago, but is it freer because of the human rights treaties or because of other events, such as economic growth or the collapse of communism? The central problem with human rights law is that it is hopelessly ambiguous.

The ambiguity, which allows governments to rationalise almost anything they do, is not a result of sloppy draftsmanship but of the deliberate choice to overload the treaties with hundreds of poorly defined obligations. In most countries people formally have as many as international human rights — rights to work and leisure, to freedom of expression and religious worship, to nondiscrimination, to privacy, to pretty much anything you might think is worth protecting. The sheer quantity and variety of rights, which protect virtually all human interests, can provide no guidance to governments.

Given that all governments have limited budgets, protecting one human right might prevent a government from protecting another. Take the right not to be tortured, for example. In most countries torture is not a matter of official policy. As in Brazil, local police often use torture because they believe that it is an effective way to maintain order or to solve crimes. If the national government decided to wipe out torture, it would need to create honest, well-paid investigatory units to monitor the police.

The government would also need to fire its police forces and increase the salaries of the replacements. It would probably need to overhaul the judiciary as well, possibly the entire political system. Such a government might reasonably argue that it should use its limited resources in a way more likely to help people — building schools and medical clinics, for example.

If this argument is reasonable, then it is a problem for human rights law, which does not recognise any such excuse for failing to prevent torture. Or consider, as another example, the right to freedom of expression. From a global perspective, the right to freedom of expression is hotly contested. The US takes this right particularly seriously, though it makes numerous exceptions for fraud, defamation, and obscenity.

In Europe, most governments believe that the right to freedom of expression does not extend to hate speech. In many Islamic countries, any kind of defamation of Islam is not protected by freedom of speech. Human rights law blandly acknowledges that the right to freedom of expression may be limited by considerations of public order and morals. But a government trying to comply with the international human right to freedom of expression is given no specific guidance whatsoever.

Thus, the existence of a huge number of vaguely defined rights ends up giving governments enormous discretion. If a government advances one group of rights, while neglecting others, how does one tell whether it complies with the treaties the best it can or cynically evades them? The reason these kinds of problems arise on the international but not on the national level is that within countries, the task of interpreting and defining vaguely worded rights, and making trade-offs between different rights, is delegated to trusted institutions. It was the US supreme court, for example, that decided that freedom of speech did not encompass fraudulent, defamatory, and obscene statements. The American public accepted these judgments because they coincided with their moral views and because the court enjoys a high degree of trust.

In principle, international institutions could perform this same function. But the international institutions that have been established for this purpose are very weak. In truly international human rights institutions, such as the UN human rights council, there is a drastic lack of consensus between nations. To avoid being compelled by international institutions to recognise rights that they reject, countries give them little power.

The multiple institutions lack a common hierarchical superior — unlike national courts — and thus provide conflicting interpretations of human rights, and cannot compel nations to pay attention to them. People throughout the world have different moral convictions, but the problem is not entirely one of moral pluralism. The real problem is the sheer difficulty of governance, particularly in societies in the throes of religious and ethnic strife that outsiders often fail to understand.

Many human rights advocates respond that even if human rights law does not function as a normal legal system, it does provide important moral support for oppressed people. When the Soviet Union signed the Helsinki Accords in , which required it to respect human rights, various Helsinki committees sprouted in the eastern bloc, which became important focal points for agitation from dissidents. Advocates for children can point to the Convention on the Rights of the Child. The human rights legal regime, taken as a whole, has made human rights the common moral language of international relations, which has forced governments to take human rights seriously. But while governments all use the idiom of human rights, they use it to make radically different arguments about how countries should behave.

Certain Islamic countries cite the right to religious freedom in order to explain why women must be subordinated, arguing that women must play the role set out for them in Islamic law. The language of rights, untethered to specific legal interpretations, is too spongy to prevent governments from committing abuses and can easily be used to clothe illiberal agendas in words soothing to the western ear.

And while NGOs do press countries to improve their behaviour, they cite the human rights they care about and do not try to take an impartial approach to enforcing human rights in general. Sophisticated organisations such as Human Rights Watch understand that poor countries cannot comply with all the human rights listed in the treaties, so they pick and choose, in effect telling governments around the world that they should reorder their priorities so as to coincide with what Human Rights Watch thinks is important, often fixing on practices that outrage uninformed westerners who donate the money that NGOs need to survive.

But is there any reason to believe that Human Rights Watch, or its donors, knows better than the people living in Suriname, Laos or Madagascar how their governments should set priorities and implement policy? Westerners bear a moral responsibility to help poorer people living in foreign countries. The best that can be said about the human rights movement is that it reflects a genuine desire to do so. But if the ends are admirable, the means are faulty. Westerners should abandon their utopian aspirations and learn the lessons of development economics. Animated by the same mix of altruism and concern for geopolitical stability as the human rights movement, development economists have also largely failed to achieve their mission, which is to promote economic growth.

Yet their failures have led not to denial, but to incremental improvements and increasingly humility. Westerners no longer believe that white people are superior to other people on racial grounds, but they do believe that regulated markets, the rule of law and liberal democracy are superior to the systems that prevail in non-western countries, and they have tried to implement those systems in the developing world. Easterly himself does not oppose regulated markets and liberal democracy, nor does he oppose foreign aid. Since the second world war, western countries contributed trillions of dollars of aid to developing countries. The consensus among economists is that these efforts have failed. The reasons are varied.

Giving cash and loans to a government to build projects such as power plants will not help the country if government officials skim off a large share and give contracts to cronies incapable of implementing those projects. Providing experts to improve the legal infrastructure of the country will not help if local judges refuse to enforce the new laws because of corruption or tradition or incompetence. Pressuring governments to combat corruption will not help if payoffs to mob bosses, clan chiefs, or warlords are needed to maintain social order.

Demanding that aid recipients use money in ways that they believe unnecessary can encourage governments to evade the conditions of the donations. The Washington consensus failed because economic reform requires the consent of the public, and populations resented the imposition by foreigners of harsh policies that were not always wise on their own terms. International human rights law reflects the same top-down mode of implementation, pursued in the same crude manner. But human rights law has its distinctive features as well.

Because it is law, it requires the consent of states, creating an illusion of symmetry and even-handedness that is missing from foreign aid. Hence the insistence, wholly absent from discussions about foreign aid, that western countries are subject to international human rights law as other countries are. However, in practice, international human rights law does not require western countries to change their behaviour, while in principle it requires massive changes in the behaviour of most non-western countries.

Both foreign aid and human rights enforcement can be corrupted or undermined because western countries have strategic interests that are not always aligned with the missions of those institutions. But the major problem, in both cases, is that the systems reflect a vision of good governance rooted in the common historical experiences of western countries and that prevails albeit only approximately in countries that enjoy wealth, security and order. There is no reason that this vision — the vision of institutionally enforced human rights — is appropriate for poor countries, with different traditions, and facing a range of challenges that belong, in the view of western countries, to the distant past. Development economics has gone some distance to curing itself of this error.

The best development scholars today, such as Esther Duflo , have been experimenting furiously with different ways of improving lives of people living in foreign countries. Rigorous statistical methods are increasingly used, and in recent years economists have implemented a range of randomised controlled trials. Much greater attention is paid to the minutiae of social context, as it has become clear that a vaccination programme that works well in one location may fail in another, for reasons relating to social order that outsiders do not understand. Expectations have been lowered; the goal is no longer to convert poor societies into rich societies, or even to create market institutions and eliminate corruption; it is to help a school encourage children to read in one village, or to simplify lending markets in another.

It is time to start over with an approach to promoting wellbeing in foreign countries that is empirical rather than ideological. Human rights advocates can learn a lot from the experiences of development economists — not only about the flaws of top-down, coercive styles of forcing people living in other countries to be free, but about how one can actually help those people if one really wants to. Wealthy countries can and should provide foreign aid to developing countries, but with the understanding that helping other countries is not the same as forcing them to adopt western institutions, modes of governance, dispute-resolution systems and rights.

Helping other countries means giving them cash, technical assistance and credit where there is reason to believe that these forms of aid will raise the living standards of the poorest people. Resources currently used in fruitless efforts to compel foreign countries to comply with the byzantine, amorphous treaty regime would be better used in this way. With the benefit of hindsight, we can see that the human rights treaties were not so much an act of idealism as an act of hubris, with more than a passing resemblance to the civilising efforts undertaken by western governments and missionary groups in the 19th century, which did little good for native populations while entangling European powers in the affairs of countries they did not understand.

Another example is in the book on page it said that Brian was attacked by a moose in the movie he was attacked by a bear. One more example is that in the book on page it said that the plain crashed by a L shaped lake in the movie he crashed by a o shaped lake. I believe this because the movie is different. The movie is funnier and Brain does crazy things. Like eating worms and stuff. Also Brain mother in the book got caught at the Mall kissing.

In the movie he caught his mom kissing under a tree. In the movie he flew the plane straight into the water and in the book he had made a decision to fly in the water or keep flying. Also in the movie he got attacked by a Bear but in the book he got attacked by a moose. I say the movie is better than the book because it has more details. He was looking at water under a microscope when he found a bunch of tiny eight-legged bears swimming around. Tardigrades return from the dead The secret of the tardigrade is that they can shrivel up and die for a while, with the option to revive when conditions improve. An extremophile is a microscopic organism who is able to survive in the most inhospitable environment.

I think the movie does a better job of telling the story. The reason I think this is because we can see everything Brian goes through in the wild , like when Brian has the recurring memory of his mother cheating on his father. In the book the text said he was knocked into the water by a bear and fought the bear before it happened in the book it says he was knocked into the water by a moose not a bear. The movie was also better by showing us what happened to the pilot by letting us see his face when brian gets the survival pack by showing us what exactly happened to the captain 's head.

The movie did have some similarities like when the porcupine quilled him after he threw his hatchet at it and when he ate the gut cherries. Wild Vs Hatchet Words 1 Page. I believe this because the film is more descriptive than the book because it shows when Brian is sticking a tree branch in a bear. In the book it says that the bear just roars at Brian. Another example is in the film, Brian eats maggots and worms, in the book he eats fish and eggs from turtles. Once in the movie, a bear comes after him.

To me that is a little more descriptive than saying the bear roared at him. Show More. Read More. Human Bear Dispute Essay Words 3 Pages Human bear conflict is a real problem in certain areas of the world and studies have been done to figure out why. Hatchet Movie Analysis Words 1 Pages I think that the movie does a better job of telling the story. Treadwell Animal Rights Words 8 Pages Timothy believed he was a bear, and because of this, he treated the bears as if he would treat other humans.

Gummy Bear Lab Words 1 Pages I hypothesized that after this time the gummy bear would increase in size.