Essay On Baby Boomer Generation
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Who Created The Baby Boomer Generation And Why
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We understand your concern, trust us. An entertaining and lively essay or speech is not something you write every day. That is why our team has created an ultimate list of funny persuasive writing topics. We have also included useful advice on how to find ideas. And check out our guide to making your speech or writing fun. Try not to look only for persuasive topics that are funny. Search for the ones that aim to impress your audience.
How do you choose the right one? Choose something thought-provoking, so you and your audience can have fun discussing. It is an essential thing to start with. Use lists on the Internet or have an ideation session. After picking your subject, start brainstorming for ideas. Ask for help from your friends and family or look at our list of suggested amazing topics!
Look at some essay samples , too. They can be a great source of inspiration and fresh ideas. Find something that is going to be entertaining for the target audience and, most importantly, yourself. It is a significant advantage if the topic you are talking about is personally interesting to you. Choose an entertaining topic you will be able to talk about.
Having an opinion about your subject is crucial, but stay open-minded for a discussion. Analyze what evidence and facts you can find on the Internet. Speculate on the arguments for and against your topic before writing. To include them in your paper, you need to ensure their high quality. Avoid using thoughts that do not correlate with your subject. If they are contradictory or there is simply not enough data on them, throw them away. Choosing the right ones will save you a lot of time. After applying all of the tips listed above, do not hesitate to pick the one idea you prefer the most. Under this subheading, we have created an ultimate list of fun persuasive writing topics. This chapter is going to list funny persuasive topics for people of different age groups.
However, remember that humor is a very subjective thing. Each and one of us no matter the age has different mentality and ideals. We are going to try and speculate what funny things are worthy of discussion for each generation. Middle school is the place where students are only beginning to get acquainted with world realities. They form new relationships, discover sports, drama clubs, start new adventures, etc.
First gossips and rumors spread. Middle school is also the first place where students first face bullying. This period is filled with excitement and many adventures. At the same time, students experience too much stress and anxiety. The finals, prom, separation from their parents, college, and adult life are looming. Almost anyone could say that college is the most fun period in their lives.
You can have independence, crazy parties, new relationships, etc. At the same time, college students have to get used to a different lifestyle living away from parents. So, you have already chosen your idea from our funny persuasive topics list. However, you also have to make sure that your speech or essay correlates with it. That is everything you need to know about funny persuasive writing topics!
We thank you for taking the time to read our article. From the start , the pandemic has hit the American mind with sledgehammer force. Anxiety and depression have spiked. In April, Gallup recorded a record drop in self-reported well-being, as the share of Americans who said they were thriving fell to the same low point as during the Great Recession. These kinds of drops tend to produce social upheavals. A similar drop was seen in Tunisian well-being just before the street protests that led to the Arab Spring. The emotional crisis seems to have hit low-trust groups the hardest. Eighty-one percent of Americans under 30 reported feeling anxious, depressed, lonely, or hopeless at least one day in the previous week, compared to 48 percent of adults 60 and over.
Americans looked to their governing institutions to keep them safe. And nearly every one of their institutions betrayed them. The president downplayed the crisis, and his administration was a daily disaster area. The sense of betrayal was magnified when people looked abroad. In nations that ranked high on the World Values Survey measure of interpersonal trust—like China, Australia, and most of the Nordic states—leaders were able to mobilize quickly, come up with a plan, and count on citizens to comply with the new rules. In low-trust nations—like Mexico, Spain, and Brazil—there was less planning, less compliance, less collective action, and more death.
Countries that fell somewhere in the middle—including the U. South Korea, where more than 65 percent of people say they trust government when it comes to health care, was able to build a successful test-and-trace regime. Francis Fukuyama: Trust makes the difference against the coronavirus. For decades, researchers have been warning about institutional decay. Institutions get caught up in one of those negative feedback loops that are so common in a world of mistrust. They become ineffective and lose legitimacy. People who lose faith in them tend not to fund them.
They become more ineffective still. This is a mysterious process of which the most that can be said is that once it starts it tends not to stop. On the right, this anti-institutional bias has manifested itself as hatred of government; an unwillingness to defer to expertise, authority, and basic science; and a reluctance to fund the civic infrastructure of society, such as a decent public health system. In state after state Republican governors sat inert, unwilling to organize or to exercise authority, believing that individuals should be free to take care of themselves.
On the left, distrust of institutional authority has manifested as a series of checks on power that have given many small actors the power to stop common plans, producing what Fukuyama calls a vetocracy. Power to the people has meant no power to do anything, and the result is a national NIMBYism that blocks social innovation in case after case. In , American institutions groaned and sputtered. Academics wrote up plan after plan and lobbed them onto the internet. Few of them went anywhere. America had lost the ability to build new civic structures to respond to ongoing crises like climate change, opioid addiction, and pandemics, or to reform existing ones. From the October issue: Can American democracy be saved?
Half of all Fox News viewers believe that Bill Gates is plotting a mass-vaccination campaign so he can track people. This spring, nearly a third of Americans were convinced that it was probably or definitely true that a vaccine existed but was being withheld by the government. When Trump was hospitalized for COVID on October 2, many people conspiratorially concluded that the administration was lying about his positive diagnosis for political gain. When government officials briefed the nation about how sick he was, many people assumed they were obfuscating, which in fact they were. The institutions provide rules to live by, standards of excellence to live up to, social roles to fulfill.
By , people had stopped seeing institutions as places they entered to be morally formed, Levin argued. Instead, they see institutions as stages on which they can perform, can display their splendid selves. People run for Congress not so they can legislate, but so they can get on TV. People work in companies so they can build their personal brand. The result is a world in which institutions not only fail to serve their social function and keep us safe, they also fail to form trustworthy people.
The rot in our structures spreads to a rot in ourselves. The coronavirus has confronted America with a social dilemma. Many low-risk individuals have been asked to endure some large pain unemployment, bankruptcy and some small inconvenience mask wearing for the sake of the common good. It is the ultimate test of American trustworthiness. In March and April, vast majorities of Americans said they supported social distancing, and society seemed to be coming together. Americans locked down a bit in early March, but never as much as people in some other countries.
By mid-April, they told themselves—and pollsters—that they were still socially distancing, but that was increasingly a self-deception. While pretending to be rigorous, people relaxed and started going out. It was like watching somebody gradually give up on a diet. By May, most people had become less strict about quarantining. Many states officially opened up in June when infection rates were still much higher than in countries that had successfully contained the disease. On June 20, , people went to reopened bars and nightspots in Los Angeles County alone. You can blame Trump or governors or whomever you like, but in reality this was a mass moral failure of Republicans and Democrats and independents alike.
This was a failure of social solidarity, a failure to look out for each other. Alexis de Tocqueville discussed a concept called the social body. Americans were clearly individualistic, he observed, but they shared common ideas and common values, and could, when needed, produce common action. They could form a social body. Over time, those common values eroded, and were replaced by a value system that put personal freedom above every other value. America failed. By August, most Americans understood the failure.
Only 18 percent of Americans felt the same. In the spring and summer of , six years of moral convulsion came to a climax. The week before George Floyd was killed, the National Center for Health Statistics released data showing that a third of all Americans were showing signs of clinical anxiety or depression. Depression and anxiety rates were three times those of the year before. At the end of June, one-quarter of young adults aged 18 to 24 said they had contemplated suicide during the previous 30 days. In the immediate aftermath of his death, Floyd became the emblematic American—the symbol of a society in which no one, especially Black Americans, was safe.
The protests, which took place in every state, were diverse. Two low-trust sectors of American society formed an alliance to demand change. From the September issue: Is this the beginning of the end of American racism? By late June, American national pride was lower than at any time since Gallup started measuring, in American happiness rates were at their lowest level in nearly 50 years. In another poll, 71 percent of Americans said they were angry about the state of the country, and just 17 percent said they were proud. By late June, it was clear that America was enduring a full-bore crisis of legitimacy, an epidemic of alienation, and a loss of faith in the existing order.
Years of distrust burst into a torrent of rage. There were times when the entire social fabric seemed to be disintegrating. Violence rocked places like Portland, Kenosha, and beyond. The murder rates soared in city after city. The most alienated, anarchic actors in society—antifa, the Proud Boys, QAnon—seemed to be driving events. The distrust doom loop was now at hand. From the June issue: The prophecies of Q. Cultures are collective responses to common problems. But when reality changes, culture takes a few years, and a moral convulsion, to completely shake off the old norms and values.
The culture that is emerging, and which will dominate American life over the next decades, is a response to a prevailing sense of threat. This new culture values security over liberation, equality over freedom, the collective over the individual. From risk to security. In the opportunity mentality, risk is embraced because of the upside possibilities. In the risk mindset, security is embraced because people need protection from downside dangers.
In this period of convulsion, almost every party and movement has moved from its opportunity pole to its risk pole. Republicans have gone from Reaganesque free trade and open markets to Trumpesque closed borders. Democrats have gone from the neoliberalism of Kennedy and Clinton to security-based policies like a universal basic income and the protections offered by a vastly expanded welfare state.
Campus culture has gone from soft moral relativism to strict moralism. Evangelicalism has gone from the open evangelism of Billy Graham to the siege mentality of Franklin Graham. From achievement to equality. The culture that emerged from the s upheavals put heavy emphasis on personal development and personal growth. The Boomers emerged from, and then purified, a competitive meritocracy that put career achievement at the center of life and boosted those who succeeded into ever more exclusive lifestyle enclaves.
The status rules flip. Equality becomes the great social and political goal. Any disparity—racial, economic, meritocratic—comes to seem hateful. From self to society. Socialists see individuals embedded in their class group. Right-wing populists see individuals as embedded pieces of a national identity group. Left-wing critical theorists see individuals embedded in their racial, ethnic, gender, or sexual-orientation identity group. Each person speaks from the shared group consciousness.
From global to local. A community is a collection of people who trust each other. Government follows the rivers of trust. When there is massive distrust of central institutions, people shift power to local institutions, where trust is higher. Power flows away from Washington to cities and states. From liberalism to activism. Baby Boomer political activism began with a free-speech movement.
This was a generation embedded in enlightenment liberalism, which was a long effort to reduce the role of passions in politics and increase the role of reason. Politics was seen as a competition between partial truths. Liberalism is ill-suited for an age of precarity. It demands that we live with a lot of ambiguity, which is hard when the atmosphere already feels unsafe. Furthermore, it is thin. It offers an open-ended process of discovery when what people hunger for is justice and moral certainty. The cultural shifts we are witnessing offer more safety to the individual at the cost of clannishness within society.
People are embedded more in communities and groups, but in an age of distrust, groups look at each other warily, angrily, viciously. The shift toward a more communal viewpoint is potentially a wonderful thing, but it leads to cold civil war unless there is a renaissance of trust. Unless we can find a way to rebuild trust, the nation does not function. Historians have more to offer, because they can cite examples of nations that have gone from pervasive social decay to relative social health.
The two most germane to our situation are Great Britain between and and the United States between and People in these eras lived through experiences parallel to ours today. They saw the massive economic transitions caused by the Industrial Revolution. They experienced great waves of migration, both within the nation and from abroad. They lived with horrific political corruption and state dysfunction. In both periods, a highly individualistic and amoral culture was replaced by a more communal and moralistic one. From millennials to the greatest generation — On November 30, , about 20, marchers protested in Washington against American involvement in the Vietnam War.
Those who were born in were on the tail end of the "greatest generation," and some participated in anti-war rallies in their youth. In order to examine economic trends and social changes over time, demographers compare groupings of people bracketed by birth year. There are sometimes variations in the birth year that begins or ends a generation, depending on the source. Born in or earlier. His bestselling book, "The Greatest Generation," popularized the term. Read More. John F. Kennedy, born in , was the first member of the Greatest Generation to become president.
Lyndon B. Johnson, Richard M. Nixon, Gerald R. Bush were also born between and The Silent Generation. Born Sometimes listed as A essay in Time magazine dubbed the people in this age group the "Silent Generation" because they were more cautious than their parents.
