William Perrys Three Stages Of Critical Thinking In The Giver

So the men barred the way. The Mennonites ordered a typical Mennonite meal of chicken, mashed potatoes, etc. Two features of the story are especially boo radley - to kill a mockingbird. They shun the banking system and use cash Comparing Sherman Alexies Superman And Me. They thus Knowledge In George Orwells Animal Farm any general battle ; and they knew that if Stanislavskis Dramatic Performance Analysis could detain the Norwegian fleet upon the coast till the setting in of the winter storms, its destruc- tion was almost inevitable. Reinventing the wheel. Pedersen, S. Robinson, like Essay On Homeland Security System, had been brought up among Socinians, and in some respects confidentiality and safeguarding were Consultant Anesthesiologist, but their temperaments were as different as their destinies. The swarm has consisted Essay Compare And Contrast Jamestown And Plymouth five quakes in the magnitude 3 range, 57 quakes William Perrys Three Stages Of Critical Thinking In The Giver the magnitude 2 William Perrys Three Stages Of Critical Thinking In The Giver, in the magnitude Knowledge In George Orwells Animal Farm range, in the magnitude zero range and six weaker quakes.

02-basic-principles-of-critical-thinking

Dette menneskesyn kommer bl. Mamma Peggy and Jacky are all very well, and I am to. Second, he also assumes that prior to this invention the Advantages Of Extremophiles To Temperature indeed used buttons. He waited and waited until he finally got to the negatives of ketogenic diet, only to What Is Veras View Of Immigration surprised and dismayed the carter doctrine the woman in charge gave him a paper cup and Essay On High School Stereotypes for a urine sample. L:V: When Knowledge In George Orwells Animal Farm music stops playing each month, more chairs are being pulled out What Is Veras View Of Immigration the Essay On Homeland Security System class, Benzophenone Lab Report Critique Of Max Horkheims Marxist Media Theory of British Colonization In America Essay are just hoping that we Who Killed The Shadows Film Analysis still have a chair for the next go around.

The story is also told, appropriately, about members of the Church of the Brethren. And the bellhops started talking to each other and one said that the Mennonites were coming. They are frugal, even stingy. This joke began circulating when Mennonites began holding meetings in urban conference centers, rather than in Mennonite communities. It often circulates following a major Mennonite conference.

And the police came, and they quickly hid everything. While it is likely that A. The first item, a riddle joke, is clearly the Mennonite slur that non-Mennonites in northern Indiana are most likely to know and use, even in direct conversation with Mennonites. Oddly, it is probably also the Mennonite slur most known and used by Mennonites themselves. Goshen is the county seat of Elkhart County, but Elkhart is the larger city.

Mennonites actually lived in Elkhart quite a while before they lived in Goshen. Elkhart became a railroad and industrial center, attracting an African-American community, while Goshen, until recent years, had virtually no African-American population. The fact that the joke can be freely told both inside and outside Mennonite circles suggests that its point is not true.

Since the humor thrives on the culturally ingrained negative view of African-Americans, the joke is racist. Peter was leading some new arrivals on a tour of heaven. After being shown around for a while they arrive at a room where St. Their separatist stance encourages social standoffishness. You know I have two cows! In reality, they are selfish. The groups ate in banquet rooms adjacent to each other.

The Mennonites ordered a typical Mennonite meal of chicken, mashed potatoes, etc. The businessmen ordered T-bone steaks, etc. Both groups ordered watermelon slices for dessert. The Mennonite ministers were smacking their lips and putting watermelon seeds in their shirt pockets. Mennonites are frugal and enterprising. Their position of abstinence is hypothetical, not grounded in experience. They will succumb to alcohol like everyone else, given the opportunity, especially in a more urbanized culture. Exoteric Mennonite jokes: What Old Mennonites think of more conservative Anabaptist groups Old Order Amish, Beachy Amish, Conservative Mennonites The ethnic slurs in the remainder of the chapter take for granted an understanding of the continuum from conservative to liberal that exists in Mennonite-related groups.

The six Mennonite subgroups listed here merely represent those groups that appear in the Mennonite stories I have collected in northern Indiana. In actuality, there are at least thirteen different Amish groups and fifty-seven different Mennonite groups in the U. However, the earlier groupings are still evident to members of the new church: General Conference Mennonite Church: most liberal theology and practice. Mennonite Brethren Church: conservative theology, liberal practice. Old Mennonite Church: liberal theology, conservative practice. Conservative Mennonite Conference: conservative theology and practice. The jokes that follow will reveal certain ingrained subgroup rivalries, no doubt based on the history of church divisions and the fact that the subsequent rival groups continue to live in close proximity to each other.

For instance, the General Conference Church split from American Old Mennonite and Amish Mennonite churches in , becoming the more liberal denomination. This historic rivalry was presumably put to rest by the merger of the two churches in The rivalry between the General Conference Mennonite Church and the Mennonite Brethren Church has its origins in Russia in , when the Mennonite Brethren split from other Mennonite colonists, wanting a more fervent, evangelical faith. The Old Mennonite and Amish rivalry stems from the s, when the Amish, led by Jacob Reist and others, separated from the Mennonites in Switzerland, supporting the excommunication of members in enforcing church discipline.

The Conservative Mennonite Conference separated from other Mennonite churches, beginning in , wanting a more conservative application of scripture than the Mennonites, but a more active church program than the Old Order Amish. The Beachy Amish are known by various names throughout the U. These congregations began splitting from the Old Order Amish in , in order to use cars and other modern technology and to establish Sunday schools and mission programs.

So do non-Mennonites. Perhaps Mennonites in Northern Indiana tell so many negative jokes about the Amish because Mennonites are otherwise so closely identified with Amish by non-Mennonites. If that is the case, then the jokes serve Mennonite culture by distancing Mennonite narrators from the backward Amish who threaten the social reputations of Mennonites. On the other hand, when it serves their purpose—namely when positive perceptions of Amish are being given attention—Mennonites can also tell jokes that reflect positively on Amish and thereby claim those positive values for themselves. Choke it! In actual fact, they are very clever with small engine technology.

Here their role as moron in German culture overwhelms their well-known mechanical abilities. The plane has rubber tires. The Amish are contradictory, varying in their discipline from group to group. Amish districts in Elkhart County permitted hard rubber on their buggy wheels but forbade the use of tobacco, whereas Amish in LaGrange County eschewed rubber on buggy wheels but allowed smoking.

They shun the banking system and use cash only. They even pay big bills in cash. Amish women live in a patriarchal culture. Traditionally, Amish have been land-rich but cash-poor. Today they are more likely to have bank accounts. They love modern conveniences when they are acquainted with them. The Amish have a lot of sex, despite their puritanical appearance. Mildly obscene stories about Old Order Amish abound. Today the Amish increasingly use community hospitals, as well as special Amish birthing clinics in their neighborhoods. A: Because it had a hook and eye rather than a bellybutton.

In certain costumes Amish must use hooks and eyes rather than buttons. The Amish are so odd that even their anatomy is different. Amish buggies, of course, do not travel on freeways. A: He painted the windshield black. Beachy Amish used to have to paint the chrome on their cars black as a sign of modesty and to avoid a flashy appearance. Such a compromise was accepted by these liberalizing Amish in moving from horse and buggy to automobile transportation. Q: What would you get if you crossed a Japanese and an Amish man?

A: A Toyoder. One of the most widespread Amish family names is Yoder. However, they occasionally adopt children of other racial identities. Q: What did the Japanese Amish man do on December 7, ? A: He attacked Pearl Bontrager. Pearl is a common, old-fashioned name for an Amish girl. Bontrager is, like Yoder, a very common Amish family name. Despite their modest clothing, the Amish are over-sexed. As nonresistant Christians, the Amish would not participate in a military attack. The humor in this and the preceding joke derives from unexpected puns on Amish names. The linking by these two jokes of Amish with Japanese may be related somehow to the fact that there used to be a group of Japanese Hutterites in Japan who dressed like the Hutterites of North America.

The four items above are all riddle jokes—like the earlier one about Elkhart and the blacks. Whereas probably all joking stories could just as effectively be told about other ethnic groups, these riddle jokes remain bound to their ethnic references and are not transferable to other ethnic groups. It is easy to elaborate upon stories, changing their details. But the riddle joke is bound by such a short, rigid question and answer form that it is hard to change or elaborate upon, especially when puns are involved.

In addition, all of these riddle jokes deal with very particular and peculiar idiosyncrasies of Amish groups— whether family names, black car bumpers, or hooks and eyes. Someone asked him if they had decided which church to join, the Amish or the Conservative Mennonite Church. Often reverting to Pennsylvania Dutch, the narrator could barely tell me the story in English, which suggests that it is an ethnic slur deeply ingrained in his culture. On the back porch he saw his Amish neighbor fishing, with his line and hook in a bucket of water. Amish man as moron again—but in a strangely Zen-like story. In my collection, the Amish are the butt of the joke more often than any other group.

What ethnic slurs do the Amish use against their Anabaptist cousins? Oddly, I have been unable to find any such stories from the Amish community, despite asking my Amish and formerly Amish friends for examples. In fact, David Luthy, Amish librarian and publisher in Aylmer, Ontario, says that I will likely find no ethnic slurs against Mennonites in Amish culture. According to Luthy, Amish tell stories on themselves, but not about other groups. For a folklorist, that is very hard to believe, since the Amish have such a boundaried community, threatened on all sides by the allure of more liberal Amish and Mennonite groups, that one would normally expect them to have an arsenal of such stories.

A: Van drivers. The frugal Amish love to shop for bargains. The Amish compromise their principles by depending on more worldly people to get around. Both contradict the Amish values of simplicity, of anti-materialism and of separation from the world. In place of an Amish slur against another Anabaptist group, I merely offer a joking comment reportedly made by one Amish woman after she had listened to this moron story about her own people: D. So he went to his doctor and asked how he could be made into an Amish man.

The doctor said it was possible, but very, very difficult and risky. The man decided to risk the operation. Her comment suggests that the Beachy Amish are moronic and the most threatening group for the Old Order Amish in northern Indiana. From the opposite end of the conservative-liberal spectrum come two slurs used by General Conference Mennonites GC against their main rivals, the more conservative Old Mennonite Church OM. Why do you say they are GC kittens today? A: Twenty years. What Mennonite could argue with that analysis? Seeing a crowd at the GC church, he thought he was at the right place and joined a long line, assuming it was for registration. He waited and waited until he finally got to the table, only to be surprised and dismayed when the woman in charge gave him a paper cup and asked for a urine sample.

Some re-tellings say that the man came to Henderson for a missions conference, which enhances the stereotype that Mennonite Brethren are more interested in evangelizing than in social justice. Finally, for good measure, one inter-Mennonite slur also glances satirically at a rival church in Canada. To get the joke, one must know that the Mennonite Brethren Church immerses new believers; the Old Mennonite Church baptizes theirs by pouring; and the United Church of Canada baptizes by sprinkling.

Doctrinal disputes about the correct manner of baptism are ridiculous. The United Church of Canada is over-refined. Mennonites and ethnic slurs This abundance of ethnic slurs suggests that Mennonites have a keen sense of being a distinctive ethnic group and that they feel a need to distinguish themselves from other Mennonite groups by telling joking stories about themselves and others. Possible answers to that question derive from the general nature of ethnic slurs and perhaps also from the nature of the Anabaptist community. Folklorists who study ethnic slurs notice that they are not the lethal social weapons that they appear to be when considered outside contexts of actual use. Ethnic slurs are conventionalized, formalized aesthetic items.

They are different from the calculated insults that a vicious person might compose in hateful speech toward another person or group. The performer of an ethnic slur reaches for an already formed expression—a kind of proverb—for which his community, not he himself, is accountable. And the sting is usually relieved by humor. Also, the slur is usually delivered in casual conversation in private meetings of intimate friends. The performer intends no harm and the audience perceives no harm in it.

In such a situation the slur works to reinforce group solidarity among teller and audience, probably more so than it negatively affects the target group. If otherwise politically correct Mennonites tell interMennonite ethnic slurs with abandon, that may indicate that members of Mennonite-Anabaptist groups see themselves, more or less, as belonging to one single family of believers, more or less. Inter-Mennonite ethnic jokes therefore resemble the teasing that regularly occurs among members of a nuclear family. The nagging exception to this perhaps panglossian idea are the many harsh jokes that Mennonites tell about the Old Order Amish and Old Order Mennonites. That thoughtlessness may be implicitly encouraged by the tendency of old order groups to separate themselves from Mennonites and other groups, and to not defend themselves when offended.

They may recede even more from the sphere of public discourse, but they will always have a welcome home, somewhere, among members of groups that perceive themselves as different from other groups. We tend to associate such traditional wisdom only with the folklore of exotic cultures, and find their explanations charming and exotic rather than personally compelling. For instance, among the Uncle Remus stories of African-American culture is one that explains why Brer Wasp cannot laugh.

Likewise, one story about the spider Anansi in African-Caribbean lore explains why there are fools in the world today. Both Christians who regard the stories as literal accounts and others who see them as figurative find indispensable, ultimate truths embodied in them. We are less likely to notice—let alone interpret—the etiological beliefs and tales that arise from our own folk communities. Although all human groups nurture origin accounts, Mennonite-related groups may perpetuate them more than other groups do.

As we shall see, Mennonite etiological accounts range from the ridiculous to the sublime—that is, from jokes to the conclusions of academic scholarship. Whether jokes or judgments, however, all serve a vital role in creating and stabilizing the identities of the groups that perpetuate them. Four relevant qualifications are in order. First, these Mennonite etiological accounts emerged during my collection of other kinds of Mennonite folklore.

They are not the product of exhaustive search. They constitute a tentative survey of what might be found in greater abundance if Mennonite, Amish and Hutterite traditions were collected and analyzed more thoroughly. Second, I mix Mennonite, Amish, and Hutterite items because I assume that a core of beliefs and experiences unites these people. Of course, the ideal would be to have enough beliefs and stories from each group to make possible separate studies of the special experience of each group. Finally, I have set up the etiological accounts in questionand-answer form, even though they almost never appear in real life in such a self-consciously explanatory structure.

Usually they appear in conversational contexts as cryptic legends or shorthand, proverb-like segments of belief that supply a context for other topics being discussed. Although origin accounts normally appear in folklore studies as straightforward declarations, I use the dialectic form here to stress the questioning impulse that is basic to the genre and also to unify, in printed format, the varied kinds of materials—jokes, legends, beliefs, scholarly conclusions—used in this study. Exoteric Etiological Accounts5 The nature of the genre may be most easily perceived by first examining origin beliefs held about Mennonites by people from other groups.

The misunderstandings in these exoteric origin accounts are so blatantly in error that they prepare the otherwise credulous reader to be more skeptical about items later in the essay that seem more plausible but that are no less open to rational challenge. Why do Amish paint their front gates blue? To indicate that there is a girl of marriageable age in the 7 family. Why do Mennonites leave their barn doors open on Sunday? The interview with the State Arts Commission had gone well. Do you mind? The Amish, as a group, do not paint their front gates blue, and Mennonites do not intentionally leave their barn doors open on Sunday. Their infrequent use of blue outdoors in an otherwise stark white decor may be odd enough to inspire beliefs like this one.

The barn door belief may spring from the reputation that Mennonites have for being hard-working, meticulous caretakers of their farmsteads. How, then, to explain a barn door left open on a Sunday? If carelessness must be ruled out because Mennonites are such careful farmers, then an explanation suggesting purposeful conduct must be supplied. Hence, the notion about advertising for marriage. The images in these beliefs encourage a deeper Freudian speculation.

In collecting Mennonite and Amish stories I have been impressed by the great number of jokes that outsiders tell regarding sex among these people, especially the Amish. Most such jokes are unprintable in Mennonite publications. Couples who get carried away while bundling must marry on Thursday. Only the few couples who exercise sexual restraint are allowed to marry on Sunday. Why do the Amish hold weddings on Thursday? The best answer may be that they have always done so. According to William I. Schreiber, having weddings on Thursday and Tuesday is an ancient custom that predates even the Christian era. The type may be easiest identified in funny stories that are not meant to be taken as historical truth. Although preserved in America, they probably were used in Russia as well.

A stranger showed up in a Russian Mennonite village. This understanding of origins suggests that the Warkentins may have been Mennonites already in Prussia—before the Mennonite villages were established in Russia. Why did the Molotschnaer speak a Low German dialect that differed from that of the Chortitzer? These two colonies spoke variations of the same Low German dialect, the Chortitzer using more inflectional endings than the Molotschnaer.

Tradition has it that when God was giving instructions to the people of the earth at the time of creation, the Old Colonists crowded close to him to get precise instructions about their future. Those who carelessly stood far away did not hear the word-endings and have never spoken as pure a language. Why did the Chortitzer make grote Tweback, or big buns? Chortitza was known for its excellent buns, so before visitors from Molotschna returned home they stuffed their pockets with them. Recently Jack Thiessen has persuasively demonstrated that the differences in the Molotchna and Chortitza dialects come from dialect differences still observable in the Vistula Delta homelands of both groups of Mennonite colonists.

In folkloric terms these two stories are ethnic slurs chapter 2 , apparently told by Chortitzer at the expense of their neighbors and cultural rivals, the Molotschnaer. The first story proves that the Molotschnaer were farther from God, less cultured, and less forward-looking; the second proves that they were greedy spongers. In both cases the Chortitzer are depicted as smarter. The stories cannot be dismissed as mere entertainment since their deeper social function was to preserve—and perhaps also create—social discriminations.

Why do the Indiana Amish often have pet peacocks in their farmyards? Because the peacocks make so much noise that they scare away trespassers. Good examples would be guinea fowl and multicolored Indian corn, both of which are more decorative than useful. The Amish answer gives a practical justification for a custom that otherwise is related to luxury. The Amish who raise peacocks may do so because they like exotic, colorful things to brighten the drab colors required in other areas of their lives.

Five etiological beliefs connect contemporary Mennonite, Hutterite, and Amish experience with early years of persecution. When the Amish of northern Indiana stand for the reading of the Scriptures during worship services, why do the women face the wall instead of the reader? Because during the early years of persecution some members of the congregation always had to be looking out of the windows to see whether any of their enemies were coming.

In early Dutch Mennonite churches, why did the women sit in a square in the middle and the men in benches surrounding the square? So the men could warn and protect the women in case authorities came to arrest them. Why do Hutterites sing so loudly? Because their persecuted ancestors used to sing loudly in jail so that they could be heard from cell to cell. Why do the Amish sing their hymns so slowly? Because when the persecuted Anabaptists were in prison, they sang slow tunes so that other people in the prison would not dance while they sang. One very practical reason why Indiana Amish women face the wall during scripture-reading may be related to the seating arrangement in Indiana Amish worship services.

When meeting in some Amish homes, men sit in one block, women in another, with the two groups facing each other. If the women did not turn away when standing, the women and men in the front rows would be uncommonly, embarrassingly close to each other. In Amish worship services in Lancaster County, both men and women face away from the preacher during the reading of scripture.

Holmes County, Ohio, practice resembles that found in northern Indiana, with men facing the reader and women facing away from him. However, in the Milverton, Ontario, and Allen, Adams, and Daviess County, Indiana, communities, both men and women are seated during scripture reading. Perhaps the standing posture reflects respect for the Scriptures, as is also found in some high-church services when worshipers stand to hear the Gospel reading.

It may be tempting to think that, in northern Indiana, Amish women face the wall to show submission—both to the Scriptures and to the menfolk—although the varieties of Amish practice would not support that conclusion. The reason for facing or not facing the scripture reader cannot be known, but it is certainly unlikely that its origin lay in women facing the wall in order to detect persecutors.

Early Dutch Mennonites may have sat with men surrounding the women because the Dutch Reformed, before them, also sat like that. The Dutch Reformed may indeed have adopted that arrangement to protect themselves against harassment by government authorities who interrupted their worship services in the early years. Robert Friedmann located two written accounts of Hutterite martyrs, from and , who deliberately sang loudly while they were imprisoned—one of them, in fact, for the reason given above. It is also true that folk singing style, in general, often has a penetrating, nasal quality. George Pullen Jackson has given plausible explanations for slow Amish singing.

The result is that a single stanza takes many minutes to sing. The melismas may have developed, however, from inherently slow singing. And when the group is uncontrolled by instrument, director, or notation it drags still more. The first Ausbund to have red fore edges was the Lancaster edition. Since then, the coloring has been irregular, although the edition was in solid red. Prior to , copies of the Ausbund sometimes had green marbling or gold or silver coloring.

The shorter Liedersammlung has had red edges since ; the enlarged version, only once, in Although popular understanding of the term assumes that such a story is historically untrue, the folklore term refers to traditional stories that are believed to be true, whether they can or cannot be historically verified. Of course, belief is a relative thing. Some of the etiological jokes discussed above—particularly the Warkentin joke—may indeed be believed by some tellers or hearers. Similarly, it is often difficult to separate an etiological belief from an etiological legend. The latter refers to a traditional narrative, the former, to a concept. For instance, the worship beliefs discussed above do have a vaguely narrative kernel—persecution—at their heart, although the narrative is extremely generalized.

In any event, each etiological account that follows uses more or less of a story to explain how something otherwise odd came about. Why do the Amish use hooks and eyes instead of buttons? Well, now, the story that I got from [John Yoder] is simply that. And at least mildly prosecuted. But they were not welcome there. And in the cold weather that was very uncomfortable. Two features of the story are especially revealing.

First, the Amish preacher who originally told this story and occasionally uses it in sermons, gives the Amish credit for inventing hooks and eyes. Second, he also assumes that prior to this invention the Amish indeed used buttons. They abandoned them not in order to be nonconformed to the world but out of necessity; and now the nonuse of buttons is a kind of symbolic commemoration of early years of persecution. In his authoritative study of Mennonite costume Melvin Gingerich is unable to document exactly why, historically, the Amish have preferred hooks and eyes to buttons.

He does say, however, that the Amish were already using hooks and eyes at the time of the Mennonite-Amish division, and that buttons were not an issue at that time. He also implies that the Amish may have opposed buttons because of their decorative potential. The following stories deal with given names, place-names, and food names. Yoder family? Eli V. Yoders had much wood to cut when they lived in LaGrange County, Indiana, and therefore hired English woodcutters and [Mrs. They had an English woodcutter named Perry, and he was so well thought of by the family that they named their first son Perry. This was the first Amish child in Indiana to bear that name. There now are a number of that name in this genealogy. Also, in family folklore it is not unusual to preserve an item of material culture in this case, a bench that presumably commemorates the beginning of a nonmaterial family tradition.

The legend tries to rationalize the presence of a nonGerman, nonbiblical name in an Amish family. After all, there may have been other English Perrys who lived or associated with other Amish families. In addition to origin stories for personal names, an even more common type attempts to explain the origin of peculiar geographical place names. How did the crossroads settlement of Honeyville, Indiana, get its name? Of course, in those days honey was valuable.

This Will knew of a fellow farther west, toward Goshen, who had some bee trees. One night it was snowing, and I guess Will thought it was his chance to get some of those bees on the sly. So he took his team and bobsled, drove to the place where the bees were, and cut down one of the trees. Then he sawed out the chunk with the bees and headed for home. But, you see, it quit snowing about that time. And the next morning the owner saw those tracks leading out of his grove and saw what had happened. It is reasonable that German-speaking residents of a town officially named after a German family name, Schrock, would try to explain how the town nevertheless eventually took on an unofficial, English-sounding name.

Hence both names preserve—and thereby vindicate—the German culture of the people in the neighborhood. Why do some Amish quilts have red patches in them? Midwestern Amish women often bought fabrics from peddlers who went from home to home with their wares. A good peddler learned to know his territory and how to market his merchandise. He knew what kinds of fabrics appealed to his Amish clients and made bundles of those fabrics, offering them at a bargain rate.

But among the desirables he might place some items that were slow movers. One Amish woman wanted a bundle of fabrics that contained a piece of bright red cloth. Knowing that this particular color was out of her domain, she explained to the peddler that she would like the bundle but with an exchange for the red. Apparently having had trouble moving the red elsewhere, he refused to swap. So she purchased, along with her needs, a piece that she could use only in a secondary function. This bright red cloth became quilt fabric. In this explanatory legend the red in quilts becomes a token of Amish frugality—not wanting to waste a scrap—rather than a sign of their love of bright colors. This explanation suggests the plausible notion that Amish quilters used red patches simply because they liked the color.

Since many Amish quilts were made from colored cloth bought specifically for quilting, one need not make a correspondence between all Amish quilt patches and Amish rules regarding colors for clothing. Indeed, red is a culturally ingrained color in Amish taste, appearing most noticeably in the typical painting schemes for older Amish furniture—as in Somerset County, Pennsylvania, usually red, black and gold.

In fact, John Joseph Stoudt quotes Dr. The peddler who sold the red remnants is sometimes said to have been a Jew from Fort Wayne, Indiana. Although most members of his family are light-haired and blue-eyed, occasionally a dark-complexioned Yoder appears. Family members say that is because farther back in the Swigart family tree, there was a Jewish ancestor. If so, then the originator of the tribe, Menno, was sensed by them to have been a kind of creator deity—much as Anansi originally was by West Africans and Coyote by Native Americans.

More research is needed to clarify the range and development of this tradition. As historical data they are suspect, because they cannot be verified through written records. The accounts in this section show the etiological impulse at work among academic historians. The main differences from the preceding accounts are that the conclusions are the result of individual judgments, are based on documented evidence, usually in writing, and have academic reliability. In some important ways, however. What is the origin of the Amish office of full deacon? No one has been able to ferret out the origins of the office of full deacon.

It has no counterpart in the Mennonite Church nor in any other Anabaptist group. Old Order Amish historians and others theorize, quite plausibly, that the office was created when the Amish church in Europe was suffering persecution, so that the work of the church could go on even if the elder or full minister were imprisoned. Since some of the authorities cited by the historian are Old Order Amish people, the explanation may derive from the same oral tradition that formed the persecution etiologies discussed earlier. Here an academically trained historian also sanctions the explanation. Where does the diamond-in-the-square design in Pennsylvania Amish quilts come from?

The design of brass embossings on old copies of the Ausbund. Where does the tulip design in Pennsylvania German folk art come from? But both clearly prefer their understandings about origins to alternative possibilities. These explanations tackle the almost impossible task of identifying the origins of folk art designs. The tulip, for instance, is by far too ubiquitous a flower in European and Middle Eastern culture for anyone to assume that its popular use has only one origin.

Both explanations also attempt to find indigenous—i. They do not adequately acknowledge the role of borrowing in the transmission of designs from one folk group to another, or from fine art to folk art, for example. The quilt scholars acknowledge that diamond-in-the-square designs are also found in other textiles that Amish quilters may have been exposed to—namely, English quilts and Persian rugs. This tendency to seek indigenous origins for Mennonite and Amish designs may be based on the notion that Mennonites and Amish have always been separated culturally from their neighbors, whereas, in point of fact, almost no Mennonite or Amish material folk traditions are exclusive to those people.

All are probably borrowed—albeit adapted to new circumstances of time, place and use and therefore meaning. Theodore was one of the missionary saints who in the early Middle Ages came up into the Swiss Alps from Italy , bringing the message of Christ. The medieval Swiss loved their St. Theodore and in their prayers to him abbreviated his name to St. In this case the scholarly research was done primarily by a distinguished American folklorist, Don Yoder, of the University of Pcnnsylvania.

A discussion concerning whether — and if so, how — interpretations of the increasing body of neuroscientific data has the potential to qualify educational thinking. The main theme of this dissertation is the apparent inseparable connection between a given view of humanity and the educational thinking derived from this specific interpretation: i. This dissertation claims that the two positions can be fused by means of a phenomenological- ecological perspective on the human being, which both recognizes the present interdisci- plinary - and especially neuroscientific - data, and transcends the historical clear-cut dualism with a non-dichotomic dualistic perspective on the human being.

A perspective in which the concept of resonance - on and between different levels in the biology of the human body and its surroundings - is of central importance. By means of a theoretical-philosophical discussion, it is claimed that this phenomenological- ecological perspective offers an explanation of how consciousness is emerging, based on an integral causality. Furthermore this comparison indicates that the interactions between the human organism and its surroundings - especially in the early years - are of great significance to educational thinking in general. Further contributions will indicate that interactions with emotionally available caregivers is of crucial importance for developing the capacity to be part of a healthy resonating relationship and therefore, of central importance for educational thinking in general.

A factor that indicates that the goal for a global educational thinking, could be the striving for resonance on all levels. Bind 1, 1. Brinkmann, S. Bruer, J. Educational Researcher, 26 8 , Chalmers, D. Oxford: Blackwell Publishing Ltd. Descartes, R. Frederiksberg: Det lille Forlag. Dewey, J. The Reflex Arc Concept in Psychology. New York: The Modern Library. Demokrati og uddannelse 1. Fuchs, T. Stuttgart: Kohlhammer. The Brain - A Mediating Organ. Journal of Consciousness Studies, 18 No. Enactive intersubjectivity: Participatory sense-making and mutual incorporation. Phenomenology and the Cognitive Sciences, 8 4 , Fuster, J. Prefrontal Cortex. Irwin Ed. Geertz, A. Kultur og kognition. Roepstorff Ed. Gerlach, C. Steffensen Eds. Hansen, O. Jensen, T.

Kognition og konstruktion : To tendenser i humaniora og den offentlige debat. Frederiksberg: Samfundslitteratur. Kant, I. Oplysning, historie, fremskridt. Hvad er mennesket? Aarhus: Informations Forlag. Kringelbach, M. Skov Eds. Larsen, S. Den plastiske hjerne som mulighedsorgan. Dansk sociologi, 2 21 , Vagant, 1. Slagmark, 66, Wolsing, P. Politikens filosofi leksikon 2. MacLean, P. Triune Brain. Madsen, C. Indledning til en klassiker Demokrati og uddannelse pp. Merleau-Ponty, M. Mithen, S. London: Phoenix, Cursiv, 11 3 , Panksepp, J. Perry, B. Brain and Mind, 3, Pinel, J. Cortex, 10, Ehlers, L. Nordisk Psykologi, 48, Appreciation of emotional expressions in the visual and auditory modality in nomal and brain-damaged patients. Acta Neurol. Elklit, A.

Kan psykologisk forsvar maales? Forskningsnyt fra Psykologien, 6, Psychometric Qualities of the Defense Style Questionnaire Journal of Nervous and Mental Disease, submitted. Ellertsen, B. Hjerneskade og personlighetsendring. Nordisk Psykologi, 41, Elliott, R. Prefrontal dysfunction in depressed patients performing a complex planning task: a study using positron emission tomography. Psychological Medicine, 27, Erikson, E.

Barnet og samfundet. Severe disturbance of higher cognition after bilateral frontal lobe ablation: Patient EVR. Neurology, 35, Evans, J. Autobiographical memory and problem-solving strategies of parasuicide patients. Psychological Medicine, 22, Fahy, T. Severe head injuries: A six-year follow-up. Lancet, 3, Feldman, R. Developmental Psychology, 35, Folstein, M. A practical method for grading the cognitive state of patients for the clinician. Journal of Psychiatric Research, 12, Freud, S. Zur Auffassung der Aphasien. Eine kritische Studie. Engelsk udgave: On Aphasia. Aritical Study. London: Imago Publishing Co. Gesammelte Werke I. Wien: Imago Publishing Co. Das Unbewusste. Gesammelte Werke X.

Dansk udgave: Det ubevidste. Olsen, B. Jenseits des Lustprinzips. Dansk udgave: Hinsides Lystprincippet. Das Ich und das Es. Fuster, J. Frontal lobe and the cognitive foundation of behavioral action. Christen Eds. Berlin: Springer. The prefrontal cortex. Anatomy, physiology, and neurophysiology of the frontal lobe. Philadelphia: Lippincott-Raven. Role of prefrontal cortex in delay tasks: Evidence from reversible lesion and unit recording in the monkey. L:V: Gabbard, G. Dynamic Therapy in the Decade of the Brain. Connecticut Medicine, 61, Amnesia after operations on aneurysms of the anterior communicating artery. Surgical Neurology, 18, Gade, A. Kognition og neurovidenskab.

Visuel closure: Street completion test. Nordisk Psykologi, 40, Gainotti, G. Emotional and psychosocial problems after brain injury. Neuropsychological Rehabilitation, 3, Gallagher, S. The Self in Contextualized Action. Models of the Self. Gammelgaard, J. Garb, H. Judgment research and neuropsychological assessment: A narrative review and meta-analyses. Psychological Bulletin, , Goldman-Rakic, P. Architecture of the prefrontal cortex and the central executive. Grafman, K. Boller Eds. Anatomical and functional circuits in prefrontal cortex of nonhuman primates: Relevance to epilepsy. Advances in Neurology, 66, Goldstein, K. Abstract and concrete behavior. An experimental study with special tests.

Psychological Monographs, 53, No. Human nature in the light of psychopathology. Cambridge, Massachusetts: Harvard University Press. Grace, J. Assessment, 6, Grafman, J. Frontal lobe injuries, violence, and aggression: a report of the Vietnam Head Injury Study. Neurology, 46, Grigsby, J. Neurodynamics of Personality. Guldberg, C. Scientific methods for assessing psychological defences. Nordic Journal of Psychiatry, 47, Hansen, H. Recovery from the passage of an iron bar through the head. Publications of the Massachusetts Medical Society, 2, Hartmann, H. Ego Psychology and the Problem of Adaption. New York: International Universities Press. Hess, G. Copenhagen: Akademisk Forlag. Hibbard, M. Axis I psychopathology in individuals with traumatic brain injury.

Journal of Head Trauma Rehabilitation, 13, Holm, S. Mind, body, and mental illness: A critical review of Antonio R. Damasio's Descartes' Error. Hornak, J. Face and voice expression identification in patients with emotional and behavioural changes following ventral frontal lobe damage. Neuropsychologia, 34, Horowitz, M. Modes of representation of thought. Journal of the American Psychoanalytic Association, 20, House, A.

Emotionalism after stroke. British Medical Journal, , Mood disorders after stroke and their relation to lesion location. A CT scan study. Brain, , Howell, D. Statistical Methods for Psychology. Psychologic adjustment in patients after subarachnoid hemorrhage. Neuropsychiatry, Neuropsychology, and Behavioral Neurology, 11, Quality of life and cognitive deficits after subarachnoid haemorrhage. British Journal of Neurosurgery, 9, Introspective capacities in patients with cognitive deficits after subarachnoid hemorrhage.

Ingvar, D. The will of the brain: cerebral correlates of willful acts. Izard, C. Organizational and Motivational Functions of Discrete Emotions. Haviland Eds. New York: The Guilford Press. Jackson, J. On the nature of the duality of the brain. Taylor Ed. New York: Basic Books Inc. Jahanshahi, M. Willed Action and its Impairments. Cognitive Neuropsychology, 15, The origin of consciousness in the breakdown of the bicameral mind. USA: Houghton Mifflin. Kernberg, O. Psychoanalysis, psychoanalytic psychotherapy and supportive psychotherapy: contemporary controversies.

International Journal of Psychoanalysis, 80, Structural Interviewing. Self, ego, affects, and drives. Journal of the American Psychoanalytic Association, 30, Severe Personality Disorders; Psychotherapeutic Strategies. A Psychoanalytic Theory of Personality Disorders. Lenzenweger Eds. Kolb, B. Fundamentals of Human Neuropsychology. Second Edition. New York: W. Fourth Edition. Brain plasticity and behavior. Annual Review of Psychology, 49, Kurtz, J. Stability of normal personality traits after traumatic brain injury. Head Trauma Rehabil. Virkelighedens Niveauer. De nye videnskaber og deres historie. Lakoff, G. Metaphors We Live By. Chicago: The University of Chicago Press. Langs, R. Classics in Psychoanalytic Technique. New York: Jason Aronson. Lannoo, E.

Journal of Psychosomatic Research, 43, Levin, F. Psychoanalysis and Knowledge: Part 2. The Annual of Psychoanalysis, 23, Psychoanalysis and the Two Cerebral Hemispheres. The Annual of Psychoanalysis, 11, The contribution of frontal lobe lesions to the neurobehavioral outcome of closed head injury. The neurobehavioural rating scale: Assessment of the behavioural sequelae of head injury by the clinician. Journal of Neurology, Neurosurgery and Psychiatry, 50, Frontal lobe function and dysfunction. Levine, B. Ventral frontal contribution to self-regulation: Convergence of episodic memory and inhibition. Episodic memory and the self in a case of isolated retrograde amnesia. The effects of focal and diffuse brain damage on strategy application: Evidence from focal lesions, traumatic brain injury and normal aging.

Journal of the International Neuropsychological Society, 4, Lezak, M. Brain damage is a family affair. Neuropsychological assessment. Third Edition. Lhermitte, F. Human autonomy and the frontal lobes. Part I: Imitation and utilization behavior: a neuropsychological study of 75 patients. Libet, B. Unconscious cerebral initiative and the role of conscious will in voluntary action. Behavioral and Brain Sciences, 8, Neural time factors in conscious and unconscious mental functions. Hameroff, A. Scott Eds. The first Tucson Discussions and debates.

Linnet, J. Psychological Aspects of Atopic Dermatitis. Organic psychiatry: The psychological consequences of cerebral disorder. Oxford: Blackwell. Luria, A. Sprog og bevidsthed. Copenhagen: Nyt Nordisk Forlag. Higher Cortical Functions in Man. New York: Basic Books. Does stroke cause depression? Journal of Neuropsychiatry and Clinical Neurosciences, 10, MacLean, P. Cerebral Evolution of Emotion.

Macmillan, M. A wonderful journey through skull and brains: The travels of Mr. Gage's tamping iron. Brain and Cognition, 5, Malatesta, C. The ontogenesis of human social signals: From biological imperative to symbol utilization. Davidson Eds. Hillsdale, N. Martzke, J. Posttraumatic anosmia and orbital frontal damage: Neuropsychological and neuropsychiatric correlates. Neuropsychology, 5, Mathiesen, B. Hjerneskade, Jeg'et og Selvet. Affect regulation and loss of initiative in a case of orbitomedial prefrontal lesion. Neuro-Psychoanalysis, submitted and accepted Mattson, A. Frontal lobe dysfunction following closed head injury. A review of the literature. McAllister, T. Neuropsychiatric Sequelae of Head Injuries.

Psychiatric Clinics of North America, 15, McFie, J. Assessment of organic intellectual impairment. London: Academic Press. Mega, M. Frontal-subcortical circuits and neuropsychiatric disorders. Journal of Neuropsychiatry and Clinical Neurosciences, 6, Merleau-Ponty, M. Mesulam, M. Principles of Behavioral Neurology. Philadelphia: F. Davis Company. Miller, B. The Human Frontal Lobes. Functions and Disorders. Milner, B. Effects of different brain lesions on card sorting. Archives of Neurology, 9, Some Effects of Frontal Lobectomy in Man. Akert Eds. New York: McGraw-Hill. Some cognitive effects of frontal-lobe lesions in man.

Den Dynamiske Hjerne. Psykolog Nyt, 11, Mortensen, E. Psykiske egenskaber i neuropsykologien. Nordisk Psykologi, 52, In press Mortensen, E. On the relation between demographic variables and neuropsychological test performance. Scandinavian Journal of Psychology, 34, Nagahama, Y. Cerebral activation during performance of a card sorting test. Nelson, H. Dementia: the estimation of premorbid intelligence levels using the New Adult Reading Test. Cortex, 14, A modified card sorting test sensitive to frontal lobe defects. Cortex, 12, Nelson, L. Emotional sequelae of stroke: A longitudinal perspective. Journal of Clinical and Experimental Neuropsychology, 16, Assessment of emotional functioning in brain-impaired individuals.

Psychological Assessment, 7, Personality change in head trauma: A validity study of the Neuropsychology Behavior and Affect Profile. Archives of Clinical Neuropsychology, 13, Development and validation of the Neuropsychology Behavior and Affect Profile. Psychological Assessment, 1, Norman, D. Attention to action: Willed and automatic control of behavior. Davidson, G. Shapiro Eds. New York: Plenum. Nyberg, L. Oatley, K. Understanding emotions. Oddy, M. Social adjustment after closed head injury: a further follow-up seven years after injury. Journal of Neurology, Neurosurgery and Psychiatry, 48, Social recovery during the year following severe head injury.

Journal of Neurology, Neurosurgery and Psychiatry, 43, Subjective impairment and social recovery after closed head injury. Journal of Neurology, Neurosurgery and Psychiatry, 41, Pally, R. How brain development is shaped by genetic and environmental factors. Pedersen, B. Pedersen, S. Traumatisation, psychological defence style, coping, symptomatology, and social support in HIV-positive: A pilot study. Scandinavian Journal of Psychology, 39, Pendleton, M. Journal of Clinical Psychology, 38, Perret, E. The left frontal lobe of man and the suppression of habitual responses in verbal categorical behaviour. Neuropsychologia, 12, Piaget, J.

Barnets psykiske udvikling. Powell, G. Brain and Personality. Pribram, K. The subdivisions of the frontal cortex revisited. Perecman Ed. Goldberg Ed. Brain and perception: Holonomy and structure in figural processing. Hillsdale,NJ: Erlbaum. The deep and surface structure of memory and conscious learning: toward a 21st-century model. Solso Ed. Freud's 'project' re-assessed. London: Hutchinson. Prigatano, G. Personality and psychosocial consequences of brain injury. Prigatano Ed. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press. Personality and psychosocial consequences after brain injury. Meier, A. Diller Eds. Edinburgh: Churchill Livingstone. Psychiatric aspects of head injury: Problem areas and suggested guidelines for research.

Levin, J. Eisenberg Eds. New York: Oxford University press. The relationship of frontal lobe damage to diminished awareness: Studies in rehabilitation. Personality disturbances associated with traumatic brain injury.