Huron Ouendat Research Paper

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The proper English pronunciation is Wendat, but the modified form of Wyandot has prevailed. As for the etymology of the word, it may be said to derive from one of two roots, either ahouenda, meaning an extent or stretch of land that lies apart, or is in some way isolated, and particularly an island; or aouenda, a voice, command, language, idiom, promise, or the text of a discourse. Skaouendat is composed of the irregular verb, at, to be standing, to be erect, and of one or other of the above mentioned nouns, thus, aouenda-at, contracted Elem.

But which of the two substantives was combined in ouendat had probably lapsed, in the course of time, from the memory of the Hurons themselves. Plausible reasons, however, may be alleged which militate in favor of both one and the other. That the tribe should have styled themselves the nation speaking the one language, would be quite in keeping with the fashion they had of laying stress on the similarity or dissimilarity of speech when designating other nations. Thus, with them the Neutrals, a kindred race, went by the name of Attiouandaronk, that is, a people of almost the same tongue, while other nations were known as Akouanake, or peoples of an unknown tongue. On the other hand the probability of Ouendat deriving from ahouenda, an island or a land by itself, seems equally strong.

From this one might be led to conclude that the appellation was given to them, as a nation, only after their forced migration to Gahoendoe, St. Nevertheless it is certain that, long before either of these occurrences, they were wont to speak of their country, Huronia, as an island. One instance of this is to be found in Relation Quebec edition, p. Corresponding to Ouendat, as applied to the members of the tribe and to their language, the name Ouendake denoted the region in which they dwelt.

If Wendat, or the slightly modified English form Wyandot, is the correct appellation of these Indians they were, notwithstanding, universally known by the French as Hurons. This term originated in a nickname given to a party of them who had come down to Quebec to barter. It has stood the test of time and is now in general and reputable use. Other names are to be met with which at various historical periods were used to designate the Hurons; they may be said without exception to be misnomers. Some are but the names of individual chiefs, others the names of particular clans applied erroneously to the whole tribe, as Ochasteguis, Attignaountans, etc. The Huron Country. For, unfortunately, the thoroughly unreliable folklore stories and traditions of the natives have but served to perplex more and more even discriminating minds.

It would seem that the truth is to be sought not in the dimmed recollections of the natives themselves, but in the traces they have left after them in their prehistoric peregrinations—such, for instance, as those found in the early sixties of the last century in Montreal, between Mansfield and Metcalfe Streets below Sherbrooke. The potsherds and tobacco pipes, unearthed there, are unmistakably of Huron- Iroquois make, as their form and style of ornamentation attest, while the quantity of ashes, containing many other Indian relics and such objects as usually abound in kitchen-middens, mark the site as a permanent one.

A discovery of this nature places within the realm of things certain the conclusion that at some period a Huron or Iroquois village stood on the spot. As for the unwritten traditions among the Red Men, a few decades are enough to distort them to such an extent that but little semblance to truth remains, and when it is possible to confront them with authenticated written annals, they are found to be at variance with well ascertained historical events. Nothing now remains to tell whence they came, but a tradition that lives only in the memory of a few among the remnant of this tribe.

Of this I will endeavor to give a sketch as I had it from the lips of such, and from some of the tribes who have since passed away. My sketch reaches back about three centuries and a half. Joseph , were suddenly attacked by a large party of Senecas with their allies and massacred [by] them to a fearful extent. It was at this time, probably, that a Catholic priest named Daniels, a missionary among the Wyandots, was slain by the relentless savages. During this massacre, a portion of the Wyandots fled from the island to Michilimackinac. From there a portion of the refugees journeyed westward to parts unknown, the balance returned to River Swaba.

The region then inhabited by the three great groups, the Hurons proper, the Petuns, and the Neutrals, lay entirely within the confines of the present Province of Ontario , in the Dominion of Canada , with the exception of three or four Neutral villages which stood as outposts beyond the Niagara River in New York State, but which eventually were forced to withdraw, not being backed by the rest of the Neutrals against the Senecas in their efforts to resist the encroachments of the latter.

The villages of the Petun, or Tobacco, Nation were scattered over the Counties of Grey and Bruce; but the shore line of their country was at all times chosen as a camping-ground by bands of erratic Algonquins , a friendly race who were oftentimes welcomed even to the Petun villages of the interior. After the year , owing to defeats and losses sustained at the hands of the Assistaeronnons, or Fire Nation, the Petuns withdrew towards the east and concentrated their clans almost entirely within the confines of the Blue Hills in Grey County, overlapping, however, parts of Nottawasaga and Mulmur townships in Simcoe.

As for the Neutral Nation, its territory extended from the Niagara River on the east, to the present international boundary at the Lake and River St. Clair on the west, while the shores of Lake Erie formed the southern frontier. To the north, no one of the Neutral Villages occupied a site much beyond an imaginary line drawn from the modern town of Oakville, Halton County, to Hillsboro, Lambton County. These geographical notions are not of recent acquisition; they have nearly all been in the possession of authors who have dealt seriously with Huron history. The table on page is the result of the very latest researches, and gives in alphabetical order the Huron villages etc. In the Neutral country there were about forty villages, but all that Ducreux has set down on his map are the following: St.

Michael, which seems to have stood near the shore of Lake St. Joseph , in Essex or Kent; St. Alexis, in Elgin, east of St. Thomas; and the canton of Otontaron, a little inland from the shore line in Halton County. Beyond the Niagara River, and seemingly between the present site of Buffalo and the Genesee, he marks the Ondieronon and their villages, which Neutral tribe seems to have comprised the Ouenrohronon, who took refuge in Huronia in When de Brebeuf and Chaumonot sojourned with the Neutrals in , they visited eighteen villages, to each of which they gave a Christian name, but the only ones mentioned are Kandoucho, or All Saints , the nearest to the Hurons proper; Onguiaahra, on the Niagara River; Teotongniaton or St.

William, situated about in the center of the country; and Khioetoa, or St. Michael, already enumerated above. Add to this list the two villages mentioned by the Recollect, Father Joseph de la Roche de Daillon, though it is quite possible that they may be already included in the list under a somewhat different appellation. With this all is said that can be said of the documentary data concerning the towns of the Neutral Nation and of their respective positions. If the remainder is in proportion, there are more than three hundred thousand of the Huron tongue alone.

In it there is a statement for which he is responsible, to the effect that in the country of the Hurons the population was reckoned at more than eighty thousand souls, including the Neutral and Petun nations. No man had a more perfect knowledge of the Canada missions than Dablon, and, as this was written fully a score of years after the dispersion of the Hurons, he made the statement with all the contemporaneous documents at hand upon which a safe estimate could be based. The highest figure given for the population of Huronia proper was thirty-five thousand, but the more generally accepted computation gave thirty thousand as the approximate number, occupying about twenty villages.

The method adopted in computing the population was that of counting the cabins in each village. Of the two where we are stationed, one contains eighty cabins, the other forty. In each cabin there are five fires, and two families to each. Their cabins are made of great sheets of bark in the shape of an arbor, long, wide, and high in proportion. The dimensions of the lodges or cabins as given by Champlain and Sagard are, for length, twenty-five to thirty toises i. In many cabins there were twelve fires, which meant twenty-four families.

In these five missions [including the Petuns] there are thirty-two villages and settlements which comprise in all about seven hundred cabins, two thousand fires, and about twelve thousand persons. In a similar strain Father Jerome Lalemant wrote from Huronia to Cardinal Richelieu, March 28, , deploring this depletion, attributing it principally to war. He states that in less than ten years the Huron population had been reduced from thirty thousand to ten thousand. But famine and contagion were also active agents in depopulating the Huron homes, as the writers of the Relations uniformly declare, and this decimation went on at an increasing ratio until the final exodus.

But if, at the inception of the Mission, the Hurons, Petuns, and Neutrals numbered all together eighty thousand souls, and the Hurons alone thirty thousand, in what proportion, it may be asked, are the remaining fifty thousand to be allotted to the Neutrals and Petuns? To answer this question satisfactorily, other statements in the Relations must be considered. In the country of the Pe-tuns, or Tobacco Nation, contemporaneous records leave no doubt as to the existence of at least ten villages, and very probably there were more. This, in the proportion just given, supposes a population of at least fifteen thousand. However, all things considered, it would be no exaggeration to say that the Hurons proper, when the missionaries went first among them, numbered upwards of twenty-five thousand, the Petuns twenty thousand, and the Neutrals thirty-five thousand.

All important questions were decided in their deliberative assemblies, and the chiefs promulgated these decisions. But the most striking feature in their system of administration was that, strictly speaking, there was no constraining power provided in their unwritten constitution to uphold these enactments or to enforce the will of their chiefs. They hold office commonly by succession on the side of the women, but sometimes by election. They assume office at the death of a predecessor, who, they say, is resuscitated in them. These captains have no coercive power. That their powers of persuasion were great may be gathered from the words which a chief addressed to de Brebeuf, and reproduced by the Father in full in Relation Queb.

X, That their eloquence was not less incisive and telling when, in denouncing a criminal action, they heaped confusion on the head of the unnamed culprit is evinced by a harangue recorded verbatim in Relation Queb. There is no punishment which is inflicted on the guilty, and no criminal who is not sure that his life and property are in no danger, even if he were convicted of three or four murders, or of being suborned by the enemy to betray his country….

Their legislative bodies consisted of their village councils and what might be called their states-general. The former were of almost daily occurrence. There the elders had control, and the outcome of the deliberations depended upon their judgment, yet every one who wished might be present and every one had a right to express his opinion. They were held usually in the village of the principal captain of all the country, and the council-chamber was his cabin. This custom, however, did not preclude the holding of their assemblies in the open within the village, or at times also in the deep recesses of the forest when their deliberations demanded secrecy.

Their administration of public affairs was, as de Brebeuf explains at some length, and as one would naturally suppose, twofold. First, there was the administration of the internal affairs of the country. Under this head came all that concerned either citizens or strangers, the public or the individual interests in each village, festivals, dances, athletic games—lacrosse in particular—and funeral ceremonies; and generally there were as many captains as there were kinds of affairs. The second branch of their administration was composed of war chiefs. They carried out the decisions of the general assembly.

They repaired to the neighboring villages and carried presents to force a following. In the larger villages there were captains for times both of peace and war, each with a well-defined jurisdiction, that is, a certain number of families came under their control. Occasionally all departments of government were entrusted to one leader. But by mere right of election none held a higher grade than others. Pre-eminence was reached only by intellectual superiority, clear-sightedness, eloquence, munificence, and bravery. In this latter case only one leader bore for all the burdens of the state.

In his name the treaties of peace were made with other nations. His relatives were like so many lieutenants and councilors. At his demise it was not one of his own children who succeeded him, but a nephew or a grandson, provided there was one to be found possessing the qualifications required, who was willing to accept the office, and who, in turn, was acceptable to the nation. Their Religion. Champlain says that they acknowledged no deity, that they adored and believed in no god.

They lived like brute beasts, holding in awe, to some extent, the Devil , or beings bearing the somewhat equivalent name of Oqui Oki. Still, they gave this same name to any extraordinary personage—one endowed, as they believed, with preternatural powers like their medicine-men. Sagard is at one with Champlain in his deductions, though he adds that they recognized a good and a bad Oki, and that they looked upon one Iouskeha as the first principle and the creator of the universe, together with Eataentsic, but they made no sacrifice to him as one would to God.

To their minds the rocks, and rivers, and trees, and lakes, and, in fine, all things in nature, were associated with a good or bad Oki, and to these in their journeyings they made offerings. But they misapprehend it grossly and, having a knowledge of God , they yield Him no honor, nor love, nor dutiful service; for they have no temples, nor priests, nor festivals, nor any ceremonies. He proceeds immediately to explain briefly their belief in the supernatural character of one Eataentsic, or Aataentsic, and that of her grandson Iouskeha. But this myth with its several variants is developed at much greater length in the Relation of Queb.

From a perusal of these two accounts, it may be gathered that the myth of Aataentsic and Iouskeha was accepted by the Hurons as accounting satisfactorily for their origin; that the former, who had the care of souls, and whose prerogative it was to cut short the earthly career of man, was reputed malevolent, while Iouskeha, presiding over the living and all that concerned life, was regarded as beneficent. They believed in the survival of the soul and its prolonged existence in the world to come—that is to say, in a vague manner, in its immortality—but their concept of it was that of something corporeal.

Most of what might be called their religious observances hinged on this tenet of an after life. Strictly speaking, they counted on neither reward nor punishment in the place where the souls went after death, and between the good and the bad, the virtuous and the vicious, they made no distinction, granting like honors in burial to both. De Brebeuf detected in their myths, especially in that of Aataentsic and Iouskeha, some faint traces of the story of Adam and Eve much distorted and all but faded from memory in the handing down through countless generations; so also, that of Cain and Abel , in the murder of Taouiscaron by his brother Iouskeha, who, in one variant, figures as the son of Aataentsic.

In the apotheosis of Aataentsic and Iouskeha, the former was considered and honored as the moon, the latter as the sun, In fact all the heavenly bodies were revered as something Divine; but in the sun, above all, was recognized a powerful and benign influenceover all animate creation. As for the great Oki in heaven—and it is not clear if he were regarded or not as a personality distinct from Iouskeha—the Hurons acknowledged a power that regulated the seasons of the year, held the winds in leash, stilled the boisterous waves, made navigation favorable—in fine, helped them in their every need.

They dreaded his wrath, and it was on him they called to witness their plighted word. In so doing, as de Brebeuf infers, they honored God unwittingly. Since the object objectum materiale of the theological virtue of religion is God , the claim that the reverential observances of the Hurons, as described by de Brebeuf, should be deemed sufficient to constitute religion properly speaking, must be set aside, as there was a great admixture of error in their concept of a Supreme Being. But as the object objectum materiale of the moral virtue of religion is the complex of acts by which God is worshipped, and as these tend to the reverence of God Who, in relation to the virtue of religion, thus stands as its end, such acts, if practiced among the Hurons, should be considered.

Devotion, adoration, sacrifice, oblations, vows, oaths, the uttering of the Divine name, as in adjuration or invocation, through prayer or praise, are acts pertaining to the virtue of religion. Aronhia was the word used by them for heaven, the heavens, sky; and from the very beginning was used by the missionaries in Christian prayers to designate heaven, as may be seen in the Huron or Seneca Our Father by de Carheil. Were some one accidentally drowned, or frozen to death, the occurrence was looked upon as a visitation of the anger of Heaven , and a sacrifice must be offered to appease its wrath. It is the flesh of the victim which is used in the offering. The neighboring villages flock to the banquet which is held, and the usual presents are made, for the wellbeing of the country is at stake.

The body is borne to the burial place and stretched on a mat on one side of the grave, and on the other a fire is kindled. Young men, chosen by the relatives of the victim, armed with knives, are ranged around. The chief mourner marks with a coal the divisions to be made and these parts are severed from the trunk and thrown into the fire. Then, amidst the chants and lamentations of the women, especially of the near relatives, the remains are buried, and Heaven , it is thought, is pacified. Thus far, among the oblations to a supernatural being, no mention has been made of bloody sacrifices.

Sacrifice , at least on account of the significance which is attached to it by usage among all nations the acknowledging of the supreme dominion over life and death residing in the one for whom it is intended , may be offered to no creature, but only to the One Being to whom adoration cultus latriae in its strictest sense is due. Such sacrifices of living animals were also in vogue among the Hurons. There was no day or season of the year fixed for their celebration, but they were ordered by the sorcerer or magician for special purposes, as to satisfy ondinoncs or dreams, and were manifestly offered up to some evil spirit.

These sacrifices are expressly mentioned in the Relation of Queb. Nor were burnt offerings wanting, as may be seen recorded in the Relation of Queb. The foregoing presentment of the religion of the Hurons, though by no means exhaustive, forcibly suggests two inferences, especially if taken together with the beliefs and observances of the other branches of the same parent stock and those of the neighboring tribes of North American Indians. The first is that they were a decadent race, fallen from a state of civilization more or less advanced, and which at some remote period was grounded on a clearer perception of a Supreme Being, evinced by the not yet extinct sense of an obligation to recognize Him as their first beginning and last end.

This would imply also a revelation vouchsafed in centuries gone by; shreds of such a revelation could still be discerned in their beliefs, several of which supposed some knowledge of the Biblical history of the human race, though that knowledge was all but obliterated. But above all else, their dreams, interpreted by their soothsayers and sorcerers, and their mysterious ailments with the accompanying divinations of their medicine-men, had brought them so low, and had so perverted their better natures that the most vile and degrading forms of devil-worship were held in honor.

Their History. Lawrence in It is at this date that conjecture begins to take the shape of history. The two principal villages which this explorer found, occupying respectively the actual sites of Quebec and Montreal, were Stadacona and Hochelaga. By far the most probable opinion is that these were inhabited by some branch of the Huron- Iroquois race. The Sulpician writer Etienne Michel Faillon, may be said to have transformed that theory into an almost absolute certainty.

His proofs to this effect are based on the customs and traditions of both Algonquins and Hurons, and, what is most conclusive, on the two vocabularies compiled by Cartier, contained in his first and second relation, and which comprise about one hundred and sixty words. The Abbe Faillon states rival theories fairly and dispassionately and, to all appearances, refutes them successfully.

Another Sulpician priest, J. A great change had taken place. Stadacona and Hochelaga had disappeared, and the tribes along the shores of the St. Lawrence were no longer those of Huron- Iroquois stock, but Algonquin. The various details of how this transformation was effected are a matter of mere surmise, and the theories advanced as to its cause are too uncertain, too conflicting, and too lengthy to find place here. What is certain is that meanwhile a deadly feud had sundered the Hurons and the Iroquois.

The Hurons proper were now found occupying the northern part of what is at present Simcoe County in Ontario , with the neighboring Petun, or Tobacco, Nation to the west, and the Neutrals to the southwest. The hostile tribes of the Iroquois held possession of that part of New York State bordering on the Mohawk River and extending westward to the Genesee, if not farther. The Algonquins , who now inhabited the country abandoned by the Huron- Iroquois , along the Lower St. Lawrence, were in alliance with the Hurons proper. Champlain, with a view of cementing the already existing friendship between the French and their nearest neighbors, the Algonquins and Hurons, was led to espouse their cause.

Nor was this the only object of his so doing. Bands of Iroquois infested the St. Lawrence, and were a serious hindrance to the trade which had sprung up between the Hurons and the French. In he, with two Frenchmen, headed a party of Algonquins and Hurons, ascended the Richelieu River to Lake Champlain, named after him by right of discovery, met the enemy near what is now Crown Point, and there won an easy victory July 30 , thanks to the execution wrought by his fire-arms, to which the Iroquois were unaccustomed.

A second successful encounter with the Iroquois took place July 19, , at Cap du Massacre, three or four miles above the modern town of Sorel. Though this intervention of Champlain was bitterly resented by the Iroquois , and rankled in their breasts, their thirst for vengeance and their hatred for both French and Hurons was intensified beyond measure by the expedition of This was set on foot in Huronia itself, and, headed by Champlain, penetrated into the very heart of the Iroquois Country. The time of this raid, so barren in good results for the Hurons, coincided with the coming of the first missionary to Huronia, the Recollect Father Joseph Le Caron.

He and Champlain had set out from the lower country almost together, the former between the 6th and 8th of July, the latter on the 9th. In the beginning of August, Champlain, before starting on his long march to the Iroquois , visited him at Carhagouha; and on the 12th of that month piously assisted at the first Mass ever celebrated in the present province of Ontario. This event took place within the limits of what is now the parish of Lafontaine, in the Diocese of Toronto. The history of the Hurons from this date, until their forced migration from Huronia in and , may be summarized as one continuous and fierce struggle with the Iroquois. The latter harassed them in their yearly bartering expeditions to Three Rivers and Quebec, endeavoring, as skillful strategists, to cut them off from their base of supplies.

They lay in ambush for them at every vantage point along the difficult waterways of the Ottawa and the St. When the Hurons were the weaker party, they were attacked and either massacred on the spot or reserved for torture at the stake; and when they were the stronger, the wily Iroquois hung upon their trail and cut off every straggler. At times the Hurons scored a triumph, but these were few and far between. Thus things went on from year to year, the Hurons gradually growing weaker in numbers and resources. Meanwhile they received but little help from their French allies, for the colonists, sadly neglected by their mother country, had all they could do to protect themselves.

But a time came when the Iroquois found their adversaries sufficiently reduced in strength to attack them in their homes. In truth, they had all along kept war parties on foot, who prowled through the forests in or near Huronia, to attack isolated bands, or at least to spy out the condition of the country, and report when the Huron villages were all but defenseless through the absence of the braves on hunting expeditions or for purposes of traffic. The first telling blow fell on Contarea Kontarea, or Kontareia in June, This was a populous village of the Arendarrhonons, or Rock Clan, lying to the extreme east, and one of the strongest frontier posts of the whole country.

Neither age nor sex was spared, and those who survived the conflict were led off into captivity, or held for torture by slow fire. No particulars as to the mode of attack or defense are known, as there was no resident missionary, the inhabitants of Contarea never having allowed one within its pale; they had even more than once openly defied the Christian God to do His worst. Contarea stood about five miles southwest of the present town of Orillia. It may be of interest to note here that all the great inroads of the Iroquois seem to have proceeded from some temporary strategic base established in the region east of Lakes Couchiching and Simcoe, and to have crossed into Huronia at the Narrows so accurately described by Champlain.

Its braves had sustained many losses after the fall of Contarea, but the outlook became so threatening in that its inhabitants early in abandoned what they now considered an untenable position, and betook themselves to other Huron villages which promised greater security. By this move St. Joseph II , or Teanaostaiae, a village of the Attignenonghac, or Cord, Clan, was left exposed to attacks from the east; nor were they slow in coming. At early dawn, on July 4 of that same year, , the Iroquois band surprised and carried it by assault.

Once masters of the place, they massacred and captured all whom they found within the palisade. Many, however, by timely flight had reached a place of safety. The intrepid Father Antoine Daniel had just finished Mass when the first alarm rang out. Robed in surplice and stole, for the administration of the Sacraments of Baptism and Penance , he presented himself unexpectedly before the stream of inrushing savages. His sudden appearance and his fearless bearing overawed them for an instant, and they stood rooted to the ground.

But it was only for an instant. Recovering themselves, they vented their fury on the faithful missionary who was offering his life for the safety of the fugitives. Shot down mercilessly, every savage had a hand in the mutilation of his body, which was at last thrown into the now blazing chapel. The neighboring village of Ekhiondastsaan, which was situated a little farther towards the west, shared at the same time the fate of Teanaostaiae. The former, lying about six miles to the southeast of Fort Ste-Marie I, was attacked before daybreak.

Its defenders were nearly all abroad on diverse expeditions, never dreaming that their enemy would hazard an attack before the summer months. Bressani says that the site of this village was so well chosen, and its fortifications so admirably planned, that, with ordinary vigilance, it was impregnable for savages. But the approach was made so stealthily that an entrance was effected before the careless and unwatchful inhabitants were roused from their slumber. Only two Hurons escaped butchery or capture, and, half-clad, made their way through the snow to St-Louis, three miles nearer to Fort Ste-Marie I, and there gave the alarm. The missionaries Jean de Brebeuf and Gabriel Lalemant , then present in the village, refused to seek safety in flight with the other non-combatants, pleading that it was their duty to remain to baptize, shrive, and comfort the dying.

After a desperate resistance—the defenders being a mere handful when compared with the thousand attacking savages—this second village was taken and destroyed, while the captives were hurried back to St-Ignace to be tortured. The Iroquois were adepts in the diabolical art of inflicting the most excruciating tortures by fire, while so nursing the victim as to prolong to the utmost his hours of agony.

Their hatred of the teachings of Christianity was manifested on this occasion by their thrice pouring boiling water on the mutilated missionaries in derision of holy baptism, while they mockingly exhorted the sufferers to be grateful to their tormentors for baptizing them so well, and for affording them such an occasion to merit by their sufferings greater joys in heaven, according to the doctrine they had preached. It must be remembered that many apostate Hurons were mingled with the Iroquois invaders. Father de Brebeuf, a man of powerful build, long inured to suffering, and who by his unconquerable zeal even in the midst of the flames had drawn upon himself the fiercest resentment of the heathens, succumbed after four hours of torture on the evening of March Father Gabriel Lalemant , a man of frail constitution, survived, in spite of all his suffering, until the following day.

As they dwelt farther west and northwest, no attack thus far had been made on the One-White-Lodge Clan at St-Michel Scanonaenrat , nor on the Bear Clan Attignaouantan, or Atinniaoenten , who occupied the region now forming Tiny Township, and whose principal stronghold was Ossossane, or La Conception. At that time this village was almost wholly peopled by fervent Christians. When the news reached them of the disasters befalling their country, they immediately took action. On the morning of March 17 a party of three hundred warriors, hastily gathered from Ossossane and Arenta Ste-Madeleine , posted themselves in ambush in the neighborhood of the stricken villages while awaiting reinforcements.

Their advance party, however, fell in unexpectedly with some two hundred of the enemy who were reconnoitring in force in view of an attack on Fort Ste-Marie I. A skirmish followed in which the Huron detachment suffered severe loss and was driven back to within sight of the French fort. Meanwhile the main body of the Bear Clan had succeeded in intercepting a strong force of Iroquois , whom they compelled to seek shelter within the palisade of St-Louis, left intact when the village was destroyed.

After an obstinate struggle the Hurons forced an entrance and, not counting the slain, captured about thirty warriors. Scarcely had they time to congratulate themselves on their success when the whole bulk of the Iroquois. Though reduced to about one hundred and fifty fighting men, the courage of the little band of Christians was not shaken.

The uneven contest raged not only throughout the remainder of the day, but, as frequent sorties were made, and as renewed assaults followed each repulse was prolonged far into the night. By sheer weight of numbers, and owing more than all else to the great advantage the Iroquois had in having been equipped by the Dutch with firearms, the little garrison was finally overcome. The inrushing horde of Iroquois found barely twenty Hurons alive within the ram-parts, most of them wounded and helpless. Andrew Jackson, the seventh president of the United States, wanted land that was already owned.

In and , the Indian removal policy forced the Indians to give up their land and walk to Indian Territory present-day Oklahoma. Prior to the colonization of the Americas, the buffalo was crucially important to the Sioux life until its near extinction. Nearly every activity, for instance, hunting, praying, cooking, making art, sewing, teaching, singing and celebrating embraced and respected the buffalo. Certainly, the buffalo remained the epicenter of the Lakota Sioux life and maintained its status as the survival source of the Indians originating from the past to the present era. The role that the buffalo upheld in regards to the culture, livelihood, and identity of the Lakota was incalculable Ostler,.

We were on a fact finding mission to find a Northwest Passage, become friends with the Native Americans and tell them that America now owns the land, and collect information about plants and animal. The trip began in May of from St. Louis traveling to the Pacific Ocean and in September of we returned to St. On September 7, we ran into an animal we named a prairie dog. It was brown except for the longer, they were gray we found it in Old baldy. When we encountered the prairie dog it went into a hole so we had to pour five barrels of water in till they came out.

The rebellion takes the name Ghost Shirt Society as an allusion to Native Americans in crisis in the late nineteenth century. The scene I chose to close read is from Hope Leslie, which was written by Catherine Sedgwick and published in During this scene, Magawisca was retelling the story of the Pequod War from her perspective as a Native American to Everell, who was white. She described how the Europeans attacked the Pequods and how they killed several Natives.

After Magawisca tells her version of the story, Sedgwick discussed how this affected Everell and his opinion about Native Americans. The story begins when Glass and his coworkers are raided by the natives who owned the land at the time. That is when fur trapping became a job. The job was created for two reasons- become familiar with the territory, kills animals, find pathways to water sources, and pretend to be allies with the natives. There were many of them all ages moving by horse, wagon, or walking. This shows Robert Lindneux wants us to visualize the hardship that Native Americans were forced into.

The painting was created after the Westward expansion showing that it was not a good idea. Once I could animate my warriors to battle: but I cannot animate the dead. Later on, they were forced to migrate to Oklahoma. The Chickasaw were a unique group of individuals who can be observed through their history, culture, and lifestyle. The first recorded history of the Chickasaw Nation was in the year The War of was a significant conflict with broad consequences, particularly for the native inhabitants of North America.