A Black Theology Of Liberation Analysis

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In it, she argues that 'making a way out of no way' and 'creative transformation' are complementary insights from the respective theological traditions. Robert Mesle , in his book Process Theology , outlines three aspects of a process theology of liberation : [15]. Process theology affirms that God is working in all persons to actualize potentialities. In that sense each religious manifestation is the Divine working in a unique way to bring out the beautiful and the good. Additionally, scripture and religion represent human interpretations of the divine. In this sense pluralism is the expression of the diversity of cultural backgrounds and assumptions that people use to approach the Divine.

Contrary to Christian orthodoxy , the Christ of mainstream process theology is not the mystical and historically exclusive union of divine and human natures in one hypostasis, the eternal Logos of God uniquely enfleshed in and identifiable as the man Jesus. Rather God is incarnate in the lives of all people when they act according to a call from God. Jesus fully and in every way responded to God's call, thus the person of Jesus is theologically understood as "the divine Word in human form. Process theologians argue that God does not have unilateral, coercive control over everything in the universe.

Critics argue that this conception diminishes divine power to such a degree that God is no longer worshipful. First, power is a relational concept. It is not exerted in a vacuum, but always by some entity A over some other entity B. To suppose that an entity A in this case, God , can always successfully control any other entity B is to say, in effect, that B does not exist as a free and individual being in any meaningful sense, since there is no possibility of its resisting A if A should decide to press the issue. Mindful of this, process theology makes several important distinctions between different kinds of power.

The first distinction is between "coercive" power and "persuasive" power. Lifeless bodies such as the billiard balls cannot resist such applications of physical force at all, and even living bodies like arms can only resist so far, and can be coercively overpowered. While finite, physical creatures can exert coercive power over one another in this way, God—lacking a physical body— cannot not merely will not exert coercive control over the world. But process theologians argue that coercive power is actually a secondary or derivative form of power, while persuasion is the primary form.

The arm may not perform in the way a person wishes it to—it may be broken, or asleep, or otherwise unable to perform the desired action. It is only after the persuasive act of self-motion is successful that an entity can even begin to exercise coercive control over other finite physical bodies. But no amount of coercive control can alter the free decisions of other entities; only persuasion can do so.

For example, a child is told by his parent that he must go to bed. The child, as a self-conscious, decision-making individual, can always make the decision to not go to bed. The parent may then respond by picking up the child bodily and carrying him to his room, but nothing can force the child to alter his decision to resist the parent's directive. It is only the body of the child that can be coercively controlled by the body of the physically stronger parent; the child's free will remains intact. One classic exchange over the issue of divine power is between philosophers Frederick Sontag and John K.

Roth and process theologian David Ray Griffin. Griffin's response was as follows:. One of the stronger complaints from Sontag and Roth is that, given the enormity of evil in the world, a deity that is [merely] doing its best is not worthy of worship. The implication is that a deity that is not doing its best is worthy of worship. This illustrates how much people can differ in what they consider worthy of worship.

For Roth, it is clearly brute power that evokes worship. The question is: is this what should evoke worship? To refer back to the point about revelation: is this kind of power worship consistent with the Christian claim that divinity is decisively revealed in Jesus? Roth finds my God too small to evoke worship; I find his too gross. The process argument, then, is that those who cling to the idea of God's coercive omnipotence are defending power for power's sake, which would seem to be inconsistent with the life of Jesus, who Christians believe died for humanity's sins rather than overthrow the Roman empire.

Griffin argues that it is actually the God whose omnipotence is defined in the "traditional" way that is not worshipful. Inspired by traditions of working out ideas, building community, and deepening friendship through letter writing, Ani proposed that we begin a correspondence to think through the themes of the volume that were emerging as we edited the contributions. We hope that it proves to be a readable and engaging entry point into the collection. Ani Mukherji SAM : The discourse of academic freedom is bound up with a sense of peril fostered, in part, by recurrent scandals. In recent years, we have witnessed several cases of noted scholars—Steven Salaita, Johnny E. Williams, Keeanga-Yamahtta Taylor—facing threats or termination based on their political views.

In December , the last month in a year of overlapping and intensifying crises, historian Garrett Felber of the University of Mississippi was informed that his department chair recommended his termination. The more likely case, outlined by Felber in a letter to his colleagues, was that Felber was targeted for his political activism and criticism of the University of Mississippi. In the past, I have felt somewhat dismissive of the efforts to defend well-positioned scholars from right-wing attacks.

I have prioritized organizing against the structural erosion of academic freedom—for example, opposing the adjunctification of the academic workforce—over mobilizing to address individual scandals. Toward the end of this discussion, Gilmore shared a story about a former graduate student who wrote to seek advice on how to work in solidarity with Felber:. She was trying to figure out if she could make some kind of argument that had something to do with academic freedom. Especially because it did not seem entirely wrong. With this volume, I wanted to explore a different way of thinking about academic freedom grounded in materialist analyses and concrete political work. It would also allow us to think about academic freedom in terms of a process of building practices, rather than as an extant condition to be protected.

Together, these articles consider the shape and contours of academic freedom and point to possible broader solidarities necessary for organizing. But as the work of research and teaching is increasingly dispersed to precarious academic workers, the importance of including librarians in struggles for academic freedom has taken on a new urgency—especially as they face targeted harassment from outside, administrative overreach from above, and bullying from academic coworkers senior faculty. Taken together, the three articles in this section demonstrate the importance of an analysis of power and context—understanding existing institutional arrangements and social relations in the neoliberal university—in thinking about practices, rather than abstract principles, of academic freedom.

Rachel Ida Buff RIB : I like the Gilmore quote you cite about academic freedom, because it raises the important question of whether and why it might be worth our time to defend academic freedom, when so much is currently under siege. Partly this is a result of having survived the past decade of assaults on the University of Wisconsin, when so much, including academic freedom, has come under siege. After Act 10 proscribed collective bargaining in , the next moves involved taking tenure and shared governance out of state statute. Academic freedom has had great value to us as an organizing heuristic.

Just as faculty governance sometimes seems hoary and irrelevant but is, at its best, a practice that produces workplace democracy, academic freedom can protect collective intellectual autonomy at the university. When academic freedom is misread as an individual liberty, as Cherniavsky elaborates, we lose the understanding of how it is a material set of practices that enable an intellectual commons of university life to emerge: in other words, academic freedom as a workplace protection. Practices of academic freedom emerge out of political struggle, as has been the case in Wisconsin. An Israeli citizen of mixed Mizrahi-Ashkenazi background, with Middle Eastern and North African roots on one side of her family and Eastern European roots on the other, Lavie contended throughout her career with racist dismissal by both Israeli and US academies.

A politically engaged scholar, Lavie sought sanctuary and academic freedom in universities. While she earned accolades and broad recognition, such refuge has always eluded her. Operating in a university space often overlooked by both campus administration and the California Board of Regents, the Robinsons and Dubin worked with UCSB students, faculty, and staff as well as community organizations to broadcast alternative, radical perspectives on US foreign policy.

In this sense, the university can function as refuge and greenhouse for freedom struggles. Practices of sanctuary are capacity-building; they create spaces of refuge and model broader practices of freedom. The Sanctuary Campus Movement that flowered after the election attempted to deploy extant practices of academic freedom to shelter vulnerable populations, starting with undocumented students, faculty, and staff, moving from there to others impacted by police violence, white supremacy, and repression. Recent controversies over academic freedom have regularly involved faculty engaged in questions of racial justice and decolonization.

Black nationalism is a type of nationalism or pan-nationalism which espouses the belief that Black people are a race and seeks to develop and maintain a Black racial and national identity. Black nationalism is sometimes described as a euphemism for, or a subset of, Black supremacism and Black separatism , and these terms have often been used interchangeably by journalists and academics. Black nationalists say they seek to ensure the survival of the Black race and the cultures of historically Black states.

Critics of black nationalism, meanwhile, contend that many Black nationalist groups promote racial violence. Black nationalism arose within the African American community in the United States. In the early 20th century, the Garveyism promoted by the U. Black nationalist ideas also proved an influence on the Black Islam movement, particularly groups like the Nation of Islam founded by Wallace Fard Muhammad.

Martin Delany — , an African American abolitionist , was arguably the first proponent of black nationalism. The repatriation of African-American slaves to Liberia or Sierra Leone was a common black nationalist theme in the 19th century. Marcus Garvey 's Universal Negro Improvement Association of the s and s was the most powerful black nationalist movement to date, claiming millions of members. Garvey's movement was opposed by mainline black leaders, and crushed by government action. However, its many alumni remembered its inspiring rhetoric. According to Wilson Jeremiah Moses , black nationalism as a philosophy can be examined from three different periods, giving rise to various ideological perspectives for what we can today consider black nationalism.

The first period of pre-classical black nationalism began when the first Africans were brought to the Americas as slaves through the American Revolutionary period. The second period of black nationalism began after the Revolutionary War. This period refers to the time when a sizeable number of educated Africans within the colonies specifically within New England and Pennsylvania had become disgusted with the social conditions that arose out of the Enlightenment 's ideas.

The intention of these organizations was to group black people together so they could voice their concerns, and help their own community advance itself. These institutions served as early foundations to developing independent and separate organizations for their own people. The goal was to create groups to include those who so many times had been excluded from exclusively white communities and government-funded organizations. The third period of black nationalism arose during the post -Reconstruction era, particularly among various African-American clergy circles. Separated circles were already established and accepted because African-Americans had long endured the oppression of slavery and Jim Crowism in the United States since its inception.

The clerical phenomenon led to the birth of a modern form of black nationalism that stressed the need to separate blacks from non-blacks and build separate communities that would promote racial pride and collectivize resources. The new ideology became the philosophy of groups like the Moorish Science Temple and the Nation of Islam. His method to spread information about the Nation of Islam used unconventional tactics to recruit individuals in Detroit , Michigan.

Prince Hall was an important social leader of Boston following the Revolutionary War. He is well known for his contribution as the founder of Black Freemasonry. His life and past are unclear, but he is believed to have been a former slave freed after twenty one years of slavehood. In fifteen other black men along with Hall joined a freemason lodge of British soldiers, after the departure of the soldiers they created their own lodge African Lodge 1 and were granted full stature in Despite their stature other white freemason lodges in America did not treat them equal and so Hall began to help other black Masonic lodges across the country to help their own cause - to progress as a community together despite any difficulties brought to them by racists.

Hall was best recognized for his contribution to the black community along with his petitions many denied in the name of black nationalism. In he unsuccessfully petitioned to the Massachusetts legislature to send blacks back to Africa to obtain "complete" freedom from white supremacy. In , Hall was a well known contributor to the passing of the legislation of the outlawing of the slave-trade and those involved. Hall continued his efforts to help his community, and in his petition for Boston to approve funding for black schools. Despite the city's inability to provide a building, Hall lent his building for the school to run from. Until his death in , Hall continued to work for black rights in issues of abolition, civil rights and the advancement of the community overall.

The goal of this organization was to create a church that was free of restrictions of only one form of religion, and to pave the way for the creation of a house of worship exclusive to their community. They were successful in doing this when they created the St. Thomas African Episcopal Church in The community included many members who were notably abolitionist men and former slaves. Allen, following his own beliefs that worship should be out loud and outspoken, left the organization two years later. With the re an opportunity to become the pastor to the church but rejected the offer leaving it to Jones.

The society itself was a memorable charitable organization that allowed its members to socialize and network with other business partners, in attempt to better their community. Its activity and open doors served as a motivational growth for the city as many other black mutual aid societies in the city began to pop up. Additionally the society is well known for their aid during the yellow fever epidemic in known to have taken the life of many of the city. Thomas Philadelphia, Pennsylvania was founded in for those of African descent, as a foster church for the community with the goal to be interdenominational. In the beginning of the church's establishment its masses were held in homes and local schools.

The original church house was constructed at 5th and Adelphi Streets in Philadelphia, now St. James Place, and it was dedicated on July 17, ; other locations of the church included: 12th Street near Walnut, 57th and Pearl Streets, 52nd and Parrish Streets, and the current location, Overbrook and Lancaster Avenue in Philadelphia's historic Overbrook Farms neighborhood. The church is mostly African-American.

Most importantly, it has been in the forefront of the movement to uphold the knowledge and value of the black presence in the Episcopal Church. Wallace D. Fard founded the Nation of Islam in the s. Fard took as his student Elijah Poole Muhammad , who later became the leader of the organization. The basis of the group was the belief that Christianity was exclusively a White man's religion, while Islam was the way for black folk; Christianity was a religion that, like slavery itself, was forced upon the people who suffered at the hands of the whites during their enslavement.

The beliefs of the members of the Nation of Islam are similar to others who follow the Quran and worship Allah under the religion of Islam. Founded on resentment of the way Whites historically treated people of color, the Nation of Islam embraces the ideas of black nationalism. The group itself has, since the leadership of Elijah Muhammad, recruited thousands of followers from all segments of society: from prisons, as well as from black pride and black nationalist movements. Members of the Nation of Islam preached that the goal was not to integrate into White American culture, but rather to create their own cultural footprint and their own separate community in order to obliterate oppression.

Their aim was to have their own schools and churches and to support each other without any reliance on other racial groups. The members of the Nation of Islam are known as Black Muslims. As the group became more and more prominent with public figures such as Malcolm X as its orators, it received increasing attention from outsiders. In the group was the subject of a documentary named The Hate that Hate Produced. The documentary cast the organization in a negative light, depicting it as a black supremacy group. Even with such depictions, the group did not lose support from its people. When Elijah Muhammad died, his son took on the role as the leader of the Nation of Islam, converting the organization into a more orthodox iteration of Islam and abandoning beliefs that tended toward violence.

This conversion prompted others to abandon the group, dissatisfied with the change in ideology. They created a "New" Nation of Islam in order to restore the aims of the original organization. The Southern Poverty Law Center classifies the Nation of Islam as a hate group , stating: "Its theology of innate black superiority over whites and the deeply racist, antisemitic and anti-LGBT rhetoric of its leaders have earned the NOI a prominent position in the ranks of organized hate. Elijah Muhammad was famously known as the successor of Wallace Fard, the founder of the Nation of Islam. He was born in Georgia on October 7, He led the group from to , being very well recognized as one of the mentors to other famous leaders such as Malcolm X.

He lived until February 25, , in Chicago, and the leadership of the organization passed to his son. Marcus Garvey encouraged African people around the world to be proud of their race and see beauty in their own kind. This form of black nationalism later became known as Garveyism. A central idea to Garveyism was that African people in every part of the world were one people and they would never advance if they did not put aside their cultural and ethnic differences and unite under their own shared history.

He was heavily influenced by the earlier works of Booker T. Marcus Garvey's return to America had to do with his desire to meet with the man who inspired him most, Booker T.