Stereotypes: A Pattern Of Civic Nationalism
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But it is striking that different accounts, using different methodologies, report that respondents were similarly willing to voice a sharp sense of irritation, and occasional resentment, at the prevalence of Scottish ministers in the Labour governments of the day. While this may not be entirely surprising, given the nature of some of the media coverage during these years, elements of this research also suggest that such sentiments do not stem simply or only from the kind of base anti-Scottish prejudice that is stoked by parts of the media.
Instead, these attitudes can be seen as reflecting a significant shift in ethical outlook that may have lasting implications. Social psychologist Susan Condor illustrates how the English, far from being indifferent or resentful about the idea of devolution for the non-English territories in the UK, have tended to see this as a reasonable means of 'evening things up' for the smaller, more vulnerable nations. In the last few years, then, it appears that this intuitive, liberal sense of the need to provide equitable treatment to different national groups in the multinational union state has increasingly been applied to England itself.
The advent to the British premiership of a Scottish MP known for his enthusiastic promotion of Britishness may have catalysed a flintier and more resentful sense of Englishness in some quarters, perhaps accentuated by the economic storm that broke during Lurking beneath this trend, however, there is the glimmer of a truly challenging English question: will the English now tolerate a prime minister who does not represent an English seat? At the same time, an assessment of the various dynamics that have informed the re-emergence of English identity since the early s suggests that devolution has not been the sole or even primary factor to have altered existing patterns of national identification.
It is important to appreciate the impact of a cocktail of deepening cultural anxiety, rising economic insecurity and growing disillusion with the political system - mixed up together, these factors have made the organic and resonant language and symbols of Albion more appealing. Different strands of English identity emerged from an extended bout of national soul-searching in the early and mids, preceding devolution and prompted instead by the realisation that the pillars upon which sat the familiar glories of Britannia were crumbling away.
During the New Labour years, Englishness offered a language of inheritance and tradition that expressed a deep opposition to the metropolitan hubris and state-led managerialism with which those governments were often associated. These sentiments in turn created the conditions in which a populist, hard-edged nationalism was able to emerge among a minority of the English population. This version of 'the nation' revolves around the fantasy of a return to an ethnically pure England, without the complications and conflicts that modernity, urbanisation and cultural diversity have brought in their wake. Indeed, it may well be that this form of English identity has particular appeal to some who fall into the category of the 'squeezed middle', a group that is more commonly referenced in economic terms but which is also among the most politically fickle and culturally anxious in British society.
Despite this development, there is much more to English nationhood than feelings of resentment and fear. As the summer of demonstrated, many people across the UK are still responsive to the inclusive and progressive account of the Anglo-British story, of the kind Danny Boyle assembled during the opening ceremony of the Olympics. A similarly inclusive mood was generated by the attitude and diversity of the crowds who flocked to the Olympics and to the Paralympic Games as well, which were culturally significant in their own way.
While nationalists struggle to explain the enduring popularity of these pro-British sentiments, this patriotic effusion should be seen as one of the many different faces of contemporary English nationhood. Older ideas about Britain's greatness may no longer command the sentimental power they once did, but there are still occasions when many English people are happy to signal their continuing attachment to and latent affection for Britain and its representatives.
But this does not mean that the long-term trend towards greater national self-awareness among the English ground to a halt last summer. The assumption that national identity is a zero-sum game, in which people choose between being English and being British, is wide of the mark, especially in a state where multiple identities are the norm, not the exception. At the same time, if this slowly burgeoning sense of English nationhood remains unvoiced in mainstream politics then there is a greater chance that such sentiments will mutate into a harder-edged nationalism that frames the political system and the post-devolution constitution as alien impositions. The dearth of meaningful forms of cultural and institutional recognition for English identity means that sentiments which need to be aired and engaged with are being bottled up.
In this closeted environment even relatively trivial issues - such as being unable to tick 'English' as your national identity on official forms - can take on disproportionate significance. The absence of such opportunities is all the more important given that there is, in the strictest sense, no such thing as Englishness. Rather, there are different, contending versions of what it means to be English. These converge upon a familiar set of national myths, stories and icons, and diverge in terms of the political and cultural sensibilities they promote.
And so, along with harder-edged English nationalism, other rival ideas of Englishness have arisen. Such contenders include an ordinary, everyday kind of broadly conservative Englishness which is politically moderate, underpinned by the enduring myth that the spirit of England lies in its rural past, takes a broadly tolerant stance towards those from other cultural backgrounds, and holds to an intuitive sense of fairness. This broad seam of English national sentiment, which spans the villages and towns of rural and suburban England, is also a hotbed of Europhobia. This sense of Englishness is in competition with another strand - that associated with various attempts to promote a modern, liberal vision of a multicultural England. This resonates with younger people, professional groups and growing numbers of ethnic-minority citizens.
It is, as yet, the most inchoate of these English blocs, but it has considerable potential for further development. In combination, these three forms of national understanding - broadly, the nationalist-populist, the conservative-traditional and the liberal-modern - stake out the territory of Englishness. Understanding the plural nature of the emerging English 'national-popular' to use Gramsci's term suggests a sceptical response to grandiose claims about the rise of English nationalism. While nationalism tends to develop through a symbolic process of negative self-definition against various external 'others', current forms of Englishness are less likely to be shaped by external cultural contrasts - although Euroscepticism has undoubtedly served as an external stimulus to English self-awareness - than by internal contrasts.
Longstanding rivalries between 'North' and 'South', for instance, figure in many accounts of the meaning, culture and landscapes of Englishness, so that the national 'us' is often defined against a 'them' who represent a very different kind of English sensibility and politics. In contemporary terms, hostility to the power and wealth of London and the south east is one of the most powerful dynamics within the English imagination. Secondly, differences rooted in social class remain a distinguishing feature of Englishness, in contrast to other forms of European national identity.
This gives rise to expressions that conjure up the national spirit through archetypical representations of distinct social classes - a familiar motif of TV dramas like Downton Abbey, for instance. From this perspective, there is a continuing sense of order and hierarchy within English culture, with the two main political parties providing the political vehicles for divergent accounts of the national character. More recently, a third axis of Englishness has emerged around the nationalist-populist contention that it is indigenous white people who constitute 'the last tribe in England', and who have been neglected by a state that is said to treat cultural minorities, immigrants and the non-English nations more favourably.
Given the coexistence of, and tensions between, these rival ideas of Englishness, generic appeals to patriotism by politicians are likely to miss the mark. The politics of Englishness is now defined by the struggles in which these contending accounts are engaged. Political actors will gain most traction by framing their arguments in these diverse conservative and progressive traditions. The Anglicisation of British politics has not, for the most part, resulted in a highly political nationalism demanding the creation of English-only institutions. Instead, it has led to a more Anglocentric way of thinking and talking about politics, which has bubbled up into the political mainstream in the form of an increasingly Anglocentric view of political priorities and focus.
Anglo-British politics is increasingly defined by the very different experiences of recession and public sector cuts in the south east and other parts of England, the growing resentment occasioned by rising inequality and the irresponsible behaviour of political and economic elites, and debates over who counts as a deserving member of the national community with migrants and those dependent on welfare benefits often framed as undeserving outsiders. Each of these themes has been played out within, and stoked by, the rhetorical repertoire associated with a revitalised sense of English heritage and culture.
But, while politicians at Westminster are, usually unwittingly, reflecting an ever-more Anglicised set of priorities, it is wrong to think that this amounts to a coherent or strategic response to the various challenges posed by a growing sense of Englishness. There is, in the longer term, a real prize available to the political party that is able to harness the evolving sensibilities of the English and to address credibly the normative claim at their heart - that England merits greater recognition in both cultural and political terms.
Such a venture should be seen as integral to the project of defending and reconfiguring the union. In current circumstances, the greatest threat it faces is not from nationalists in Scotland. Rather, it is from those at the centre of the political system who cling to the assumption that the English will always 'get' the merits and quirks of the union and of the asymmetrical model of devolution that Labour introduced.
Now, however, letting England breathe a little, bringing decision-making and governance closer to its cities and towns, and re-engaging its people with the case for the union - these offer a better and smarter way of reinvigorating the United Kingdom. This point may now be slowly dawning at Westminster. Cameron has taken a small but important step in this direction by signalling his support for the idea of an English national anthem to be played when representative teams are in action. Labour, for all its talk of Englishness, has not been as bold. In the end, the most effective response to increasingly prominent populist-nationalist sentiments is not to disengage from the terrain of 'the national popular' in the name of universal liberal values, nor to try to recycle or appropriate the simplicities of nationalist-populist rhetoric on issues like immigration.
The better, more enduring alternative is to work much harder and more imaginatively - in intellectual, cultural and policy terms - to express and ground alternative ideas of the English nation, and to connect these to a renewed case for union. This is the major challenge linking the various national questions of British politics. It is time that the parties stopped dithering and embraced it. It is little wonder that many elderly people should try to dissociate themselves personally from the false stereotype. These essays challenge the stereotype of a male pioneer migration, establishing patterns and decisions that women would later follow. It would be anticipated that at first hospitalization, when clinicians have few data to inform treatment decisions, racial or ethnic stereotypes could influence such decisions.
Currently, stereotypes are always "hand-crafted", based on empirical observations like user type analysis or sales data. It refers to a supposed subculture stereotyped as uneducated, uncultured and prone to antisocial or immoral behavior. This is evident when cultural stereotypes become self-fulfilling prophecies. Second, once formulated, speaker stereotypes are amenable to strategic manipulation to the extent that they are consciously grasped by social actors. Besides deviant, the more popular stereotype of the convent was that it was both unnatural and unproductive. Is it that feminine girls report more contradictions in contexts where they feel they may be acting inappropriately by violating feminine stereotypes of behavior?
These examples are from corpora and from sources on the web. Any opinions in the examples do not represent the opinion of the Cambridge Dictionary editors or of Cambridge University Press or its licensors. Translations of stereotype in Chinese Traditional. See more. Need a translator? Translator tool. What is the pronunciation of stereotype? Browse stereographic BETA. Test your vocabulary with our fun image quizzes. Image credits. Word of the Day endangered. Blog Gratitude and me-time words around staying positive October 06, Read More. New Words finfluencer. October 04, To top.
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