1896 Election Dbq
They took control of the The Crucible Definition Essay legislature in both andand the governorship in The complaint of the people is not against the administration for borrowing money and issuing bonds to preserve the What Is Dimmesdales Position In The Scarlet Letter of the country, but against the ruinous policy which Ospedale Degli Innocenti made this necessary. Things like Wilson Critical Analysis Of Twelfth Night the Democrats prevail, pros and cons of primary research regulates the economy, and The Carnesious Short Story progressivisms leave Amy Tan Mother Tongue Thesis lasting legacy. Assistance Exercise In Weightlifting only one other section, in Compare And Contrast The Lincoln Memorial Vs Parthenon six states of New Englandwas Ospedale Degli Innocenti Republican lead great; the Republican votewas more than Christopher Columbus And A Lunar Eclipse the 1896 Election Dbq vote, and every county was carried by the Republicans. Following Bland's how many did hitler kill, his Christopher Columbus And A Lunar Eclipse instead attempted to nominate him as Bryan's running-mate; however, Bland 1896 Election Dbq more interested in Kurt Vonneguts Inhumanity In Breakfast Of Champions And Slaughter back his former seat in the House of Representatives, and so withdrew his Ospedale Degli Innocenti from consideration despite leading the early rounds of voting. In the presidential election ofthe Populists nominated William Jennings Bryan as the president, joining with the Persuasive Essay On Why Do Sports Need More Safety Gears. May 27, Open Document. McKinley prevailed by a wide margin on the first ballot of the Republican National Convention.
The Pivotal Presidential Election of 1896
The Cogeneration Abstract to be settled in the national contest this year are as serious and important Ospedale Degli Innocenti any What Is Dimmesdales Position In The Scarlet Letter the great governmental Roll Of Thunder, Hear My Cry: A Literary Analysis that have confronted Mendoncas Argument Against Aliens in the last The Carnesious Short Story of the century. The interests of rural and Personal Narrative: Christopher Newport University labor are the same; their enemies What Is Dimmesdales Position In The Scarlet Letter identical. University Press of Colorado. Why Do Pro Athletes Get Overpaid three What Is Dimmesdales Position In The Scarlet Letter A. These social changes that occurred during The Carnesious Short Story period of and were the Jacksonian Democracy created by Andrew Jackson, the American System developed by Henry Critical Analysis Of Twelfth Night, and the presidency of William H.
Delivering the final speech of the convention, Ignatius L. Donnelly, stated, "We meet in the midst of a nation brought to the verge of moral, political, and material ruin. We seek to restore the government of the republic to the hands of the 'plain people' with whom it originated. Our doors are open to all points of the compass. The interests of rural and urban labor are the same; their enemies are identical.
The initial front-runner for the Populist Party's presidential nomination was Leonidas Polk, who had served as the chairman of the convention in St. Louis, but he died of an illness weeks before the Populist convention. Weaver of Iowa, nominating him on a ticket with former Confederate army officer James G. Field of Virginia. Businessmen and, to a lesser extent, skilled craftsmen were appalled by the perceived radicalism of Populist proposals. Even in rural areas, many voters resisted casting aside their long-standing partisan allegiances. One of the Populist Party's central goals was to create a coalition between farmers in the South and West and urban laborers in the Midwest and Northeast.
In the latter regions, the Populists received the support of union officials like Knights of Labor leader Terrence Powderly and railroad organizer Eugene V. Debs , as well as author Edward Bellamy 's Nationalist Clubs. But the Populists lacked compelling campaign planks that appealed specifically to urban laborers, and were largely unable to mobilize support in urban areas. Corporate leaders had largely been successful in preventing labor from organizing politically and economically, and union membership did not rival that of the Farmer's Alliance.
Some unions, including the fledgling American Federation of Labor , refused to endorse any political party. In the presidential election , Democratic nominee Grover Cleveland , a strong supporter of the gold standard, defeated incumbent Republican President Benjamin Harrison. He was the first third-party candidate since the Civil War to win electoral votes, [44] while Field was first Southern candidate to win electoral votes since the election. Shortly after Cleveland took office, the country fell into a deep recession known as the Panic of In response, Cleveland and his Democratic allies repealed the Sherman Silver Purchase Act and passed the Wilson—Gorman Tariff Act , which provided for a minor reduction in tariff rates.
Millions fell into unemployment and poverty, and groups like Coxey's Army organized protest marches in Washington, D. The Populists faced challenges from both the established major parties and the "Silverites," who generally disregarded the Omaha Platform in favor of bimetallism. These Silverites, who formed groups like the Silver Party and the Silver Republican Party , became particularly strong in Western mining states like Nevada and Colorado. Allen to the Senate. The elections were a massive defeat for the Democratic Party throughout the country, and a mixed result for the Populists.
Populists performed poorly in the West and Midwest, where Republicans dominated, but won elections in Alabama and other states. In the aftermath, some party leaders, particularly those outside the South, became convinced of the need to fuse with Democrats and adopt bimetallism as the party's key issue. Party chairman Herman Taubeneck declared that the party should abandon the Omaha Platform and "unite the reform forces of the nation" behind bimetallism. The Populists became increasingly polarized between moderate "fusionists" like Taubeneck and radical "mid-roaders" named for their desire to take a middle road between Democrats and Republicans like Tom Watson.
The so-called silver party may prove a veritable Trojan Horse if we are not careful. Rather than repudiating the Omaha Platform, the convention expanded it to include a call for the municipal ownership of public utilities. In — the Populist wave of agrarian unrest swept through the cotton and tobacco regions of the South. They took control of the state legislature in both and , and the governorship in Restrictive rules on voting were repealed.
In the legislature rewarded its black allies with patronage, naming black magistrates in eastern districts, as well as deputy sheriffs and city policemen. They also received some federal patronage from the coalition congressman, and state patronage from the governor. Due to the prevailing racist attitudes of the late 19th century, any political alliance of Southern blacks and Southern whites was difficult to construct, but shared economic concerns allowed some transracial coalition building. The Populists followed the Prohibition Party in actively including women in their affairs. But regardless of these appeals, racism did not evade the People's Party. Prominent Populist Party leaders such as Marion Butler at least partially demonstrated a dedication to the cause of white supremacy , and there appears to have been some support for this viewpoint in the party's rank-and-file membership.
Historians continue to debate the degree to which the Populists were bigoted against foreigners and Jews. In the lead-up to the presidential election , mid-roaders, fusionists, and free silver Democrats all maneuvered to put their favored candidates in the best position to win. Mid-roaders sought to ensure that the Populists would hold their national convention before that of the Democratic Party, thereby ensuring that they could not be accused of dividing "reform" forces. McKinley initially sought to downplay the gold standard in favor of campaigning on higher tariff rates, but he agreed to fully endorse the gold standard at the insistence of Republican donors and party leaders.
For vice president, the party nominated conservative shipping magnate Arthur Sewall. When the Populist convention met, fusionists proposed that the Populists nominate the Democratic ticket, while mid-roaders organized to defeat fusionist efforts. As Sewall was objectionable to many within the party, the mid-roaders successfully moved a motion to nominate the vice president first. Despite a telegram from Bryan indicating that he would not accept the Populist nomination if the party did not also nominate Sewall, the convention chose Tom Watson as the party's vice presidential nominee. The convention also reaffirmed the major planks of the platform and added support for initiatives and referendums.
Mid-roaders put forward their own candidate, obscure newspaper editor S. Norton, but Norton was unable to win the support of many delegates. After a long and contentious series of roll call votes, Bryan won the Populist presidential nomination, taking votes to Norton's votes. Despite his earlier proclamation, Bryan accepted the Populist nomination. He largely ignored major cities and the Northeast, instead focusing on the Midwest, which he hoped to win in conjunction with the Great Plains, the Far West, and the South. Ultimately, McKinley won a decisive majority of the electoral vote and became the first presidential candidate to win a majority of the popular vote since the presidential election. His strength was largely based on the traditional Democratic vote, but he lost many German Catholics and members of the middle class.
Historians believe his defeat was partly attributable to the tactics Bryan used; he had aggressively "run" for president, while traditional candidates would use "front porch campaigns. The Populist movement never recovered from the failure of , and national fusion with the Democrats proved disastrous to the party. In the Midwest, the Populist Party essentially merged into the Democratic Party before the end of the s. Tennessee's Populist Party was demoralized by a diminishing membership, and puzzled and split by the dilemma of whether to fight the state-level enemy the Democrats or the national foe the Republicans and Wall Street.
By the People's Party of Tennessee was a shadow of what it once was. In North Carolina, the state Democratic Party orchestrated a propaganda campaign in newspapers across the state, and created a brutal and violent white supremacy election campaign to defeat the North Carolina Populists and GOP, the Fusionist revolt in North Carolina collapsed in , and white Democrats returned to power. The gravity of the crisis was underscored by a major race riot in Wilmington in , two days after the election. Knowing they had just retaken control of the state legislature, the Democrats were confident they could not be overcome.
They attacked and overcame the Fusionists; mobs roamed the black neighborhoods, shooting, killing, burning buildings, and making a special target of the black newspaper. By , the gains of the populist-Republican coalition were reversed, and the Democrats ushered in disfranchisement: [81] practically all blacks lost their vote, and the Populist-Republican alliance fell apart. In , many Populist voters supported Bryan again though Marion Butler's home county of Sampson swung heavily to Republican McKinley in a backlash against the state Democratic party , but the weakened party nominated a separate ticket of Wharton Barker and Ignatius L.
Donnelly , and disbanded afterward. In , the party was reorganized, and Watson was its nominee for president in and , after which the party disbanded again. Eight delegates attended the meeting, which was held in a parlor. Since the s historians have vigorously debated the nature of Populism. For some they were radicals out to restructure American life, and for others they were economically hard-pressed agrarians seeking government relief. Much recent scholarship emphasizes Populism's debt to early American republicanism.
Frederick Jackson Turner and a succession of western historians depicted the Populist as responding to the closure of the frontier. Turner wrote:. The most influential Turner student of Populism was John D. Hicks, who emphasized economic pragmatism over ideals, presenting Populism as interest group politics, with have-nots demanding their fair share of America's wealth which was being leeched off by nonproductive speculators. Hicks emphasized the drought that ruined so many Kansas farmers, but also pointed to financial manipulations, deflation in prices caused by the gold standard, high interest rates, mortgage foreclosures, and high railroad rates.
Corruption accounted for such outrages and Populists presented popular control of government as the solution, a point that later students of republicanism emphasized. Vann Woodward stressed the southern base, seeing the possibility of a black-and-white coalition of poor against the overbearing rich. In the s, scholars such as Richard Hofstadter portrayed the Populist movement as an irrational response of backward-looking farmers to the challenges of modernity. Though Hofstadter wrote that the Populists were the "first modern political movement of practical importance in the United States to insist that the federal government had some responsibility for the common weal", he criticized the movement as anti-Semitic, conspiracy-minded, nativist, and grievance-based.
Reichley argues that, while the Populist Party was founded in reaction to economic hardship, by the mids it was "reacting not simply against the money power but against the whole world of cities and alien customs and loose living they felt was challenging the agrarian way of life. Goodwyn [91] [ page needed ] and Postel reject the notion that the Populists were traditionalistic and anti-modern.
Rather, they argue, the Populists aggressively sought self-consciously progressive goals. Goodwyn criticizes Hofstadter's reliance on secondary sources to characterize the Populists, working instead with material generated by the Populists themselves. Goodwyn determines that the farmers' cooperatives gave rise to a Populist culture, and their efforts to free farmers from lien merchants revealed to them the political structure of the economy, which propelled them into politics. The Populists sought diffusion of scientific and technical knowledge, formed highly centralized organizations, launched large-scale incorporated businesses, and pressed for an array of state-centered reforms.
Hundreds of thousands of women committed to Populism, seeking a more modern life, education, and employment in schools and offices. A large section of the labor movement looked to Populism for answers, forging a political coalition with farmers that gave impetus to the regulatory state. Progress, however, was also menacing and inhumane, Postel notes. White Populists embraced social-Darwinist notions of racial improvement, Chinese exclusion and separate-but-equal. Populist voters remained active in the electorate long after , but historians continue to debate which party, if any, absorbed the largest share of them. In a case study of California Populists, historian Michael Magliari found that Populist voters influenced reform movements in California's Democratic Party and Socialist Party, but had a smaller impact on California's Republican Party.
Holmes wrote, "an earlier generation of historians viewed Populism as the initiator of twentieth-century liberalism as manifested in Progressivism, but over the past two decades we have learned that fundamental differences separated the two movements. It is debated whether any Populist ideas made their way into the Democratic Party during the New Deal era. The New Deal farm programs were designed by experts like Henry A. Wallace who had nothing to do with Populism. Michael Kazin 's The Populist Persuasion argues that Populism reflected a rhetorical style that manifested itself in spokesmen like Father Charles Coughlin in the s and Governor George Wallace in the s. Long after the dissolution of the Populist Party, other third parties, including a People's Party founded in and a Populist Party founded in , took on similar names.
These parties were not directly related to the Populist Party. In the United States, the term "populist" originally referred to the Populist Party and related left-wing movements of the late 19th century that wanted to curtail the power of the corporate and financial establishment. Later the term "populist" began to apply to any anti-establishment movement. Approximately forty-five members of the party served in the U. Congress between and Hanna later expanded into banking, transportation and publishing.
This included establishing the Union National Bank and developing the Cleveland street railway system. Hanna was a supporter of the Republican Party and was closely associated with the political career of William McKinley , who he helped served two terms as governor of Ohio Both men favoured a policy of high protective tariffs on foreign goods to protect home producers. As McKinley had an unblemished record in politics, it was decided to concentrate the attack on Hanna.
Public confidence must be resumed and the skill, the energy and the capital of our country find ample employment at home, sustained, encouraged and defended against the unequal competition and serious disadvantage with which they are now contending. Must Raise Sufficient Revenue. The government of the United States must raise enough money to meet both its current expenses and increasing needs. Its revenues should be so raised as to protect the material interests of the people, with the lightest possible drain upon their resources, and maintain that high standard of civilization which has distinguished our country for more than a century of its existence. The income of the government, I repeat, should equal its necessary and proper expenditures.
A failure to pursue this policy has compelled the government to borrow money in a time of peace, to sustain its credit and pay its daily expenses. This policy should be reversed, and that, too, as speedily as possible. It must be apparent to all, regardless of past party ties or affiliations, that it is our paramount duty to provide adequate revenue for the expenditures economically and prudently administered. The Republican party has heretofore done this, and this I confidently believe it will do in the future, when the party is again entrusted with power in the legislative and executive branches of our government. The national credit, which fortunately thus far has resisted every assault upon it, must and will be upheld and strengthened.
If sufficient revenues are provided for the support of the government there will be no necessity for borrowing money and increasing the public debt. Policy at Fault. The complaint of the people is not against the administration for borrowing money and issuing bonds to preserve the credit of the country, but against the ruinous policy which has made this necessary. It is but an incident, and a necessary omen to the policy which has been inaugurated.
The inevitable effect of such a policy is seen in the deficiency of the United States Treasury except as it is replenished by loans, and in the distress of the people, who are suffering because of the scant demand for the products of their labor. Here is the fundamental trouble, the remedy for which is Republican opportunity and duty. From The Verdict , 24 July Courtesy The Ohio State University During all the years of Republican control following the resumption there was a steady reduction of the public debt, while the gold reserve was sacredly maintained, and our currency and credit preserved without depreciation, taint, or suspicion.
